英国首相布莱尔新年贺词
“马小鹿儿”通过精心收集，向本站投稿了12篇英国首相布莱尔新年贺词，下面是小编收集整理后的英国首相布莱尔新年贺词，供大家参考借鉴，欢迎大家分享。
篇1：英国首相布莱尔新年贺词
英国首相布莱尔新年贺词
名人演讲稿
NewYearistraditionallyatimeentinourcommunitieswithfamiliesandfriends.It'satimeforcelebration.Andatimeforreflection.Myownthoughtsandbestwishesarewithyouandwithourarmedforceswho-awayfromtheirownfamiliesatthisecialtimeofyear-dosomuchforusaroundtheworld,todefendourrightsandpromotepeace,security,andjustice.IwasdelightedtolearnthatyouholdtheBritishforcesintheFalklandsinsuchhighregardthatyouhonouredthemwiththeFreedomoftheFalklandIslandsduringthis,the20thaiversaryyearoftheconflict.本网版权所有
Thisyearinparticularhasprovidedanoortunityforremembranceofallwholosttheirlivesintheconflict.ThecommemorationeventshavetouchedmanyontheIslandsandbeyond,culminatingintheDukeofYork'srecentvisitandhispersonalgestureofreconciliationinlayingwreathsatboththeBritishandArgentinecemeteries.ThegroundwasofcoursepreparedbeforehandinaprofoundgestureofreconciliationbyyourGovernmentearlierintheyearintheirarovalofplaforamemorialtotheArgentinewardeadatDarwin.
Eventssuchasthese,andthepersonalpilgrimagebymembersoftheSouthAtlanticMedalAociationinNovember,havealsohighlightedtheclosebondsbetweenthosewhofoughtintheconflictandthosewhoenduredit.
TheFalklandIslandshaveabrightfuture.ThisyeartheinternationalcommunityhasseenthattheFalklandsisaproerous,vibrantandself-confidentcommunity.YournewGovernorhasokenofanentrepreneurialiritintheIslands-ofnewoortunities,andofyoungpeopleeagertoreturnaftercompletingtheireducationintheUnitedKingdom.Yourecognisetheimportanceofeconomicdiversification.
TheIslandsPlanprovidesanadmirablestrategyforthecontinueddevelopmentofasustainableeconomy,protectionoftheenvironment,andimprovementstoyourqualityoflife.YouhaveachievedsomuchinrecentyearsandIamsurethatyourprudentmanagementofaffairswillcontinuetoprovideasecureplatformforfuturegeneratio.
TheUnitedKingdom'srelatiowithArgentinaaregoodandwecontinuetoworktoimprovethem.IthereforehopethatpracticalcooperationandmutualunderstandingbetweentheFalklandsandArgentinacanbefurtherdevelopedwhere
篇2：英国首相新年贺词
演说全文(中英文稿)
The New Year is a time to reflect on what has passed and look ahead to the opportunities to come. And this year, as I consider all that has in store, I believe those opportunities are greater than ever. For we have made a momentous decision and set ourselves on a new direction.
新年正是这样一个时刻，我们既要反思过去，也要放眼未来，展望机遇。而今年，当我考虑到将面临的各种状况，我坚信我们迎来了比以往更加千载难逢的机遇。我们做出了一项重要的抉择，它带领我们朝着新方向一路前行。
And if was the year you voted for that change. This is the year we start to make it happen. I know that the referendum last June was divisive at times. I know, of course, that not everyone shared the same point of view or voted in the same way. But I know too that, as we face the opportunities ahead of us, our shared interests and ambitions can bring us together. We all want to see a Britain that is stronger than it is today. We all want a country that is fairer so that everyone has the chance to succeed. We all want a nation that is safe and secure for our children and grandchildren. These ambitions unite us so that we are no longer the 52% who voted Leave and the 48% who voted Remain, but one great union of people and nations with a proud history and a bright future.
如果说，是你投票选择想做出改变。那么今年，我们则要开始实现改变。我知道去年六月的公投可以说是具有分裂性的。当然我也知道，不是所有人都有相同的观点投票做出一致决定。但我也同样知道，当我们面对未来这些机遇时，我们共同的利益和雄心将使我们联合起来。我们都希望看到一个比现在更强大的英国。我们都想要一个更为公平公正的国家，这样才能让每个人都有成功的机会。为了子孙后代，我们都希望国家变得更加安全稳定。这些雄心将我们联合起来，我们不再是52%支持脱欧的选民，也不再是48%支持留欧的选民，而是一个由人民和构成国组成的伟大联盟，我们拥有光荣的历史和光明的前途。
So when I sit around the negotiating table in Europe this year, it will be with that in mind: the knowledge that I am there to get the right deal, not just for those who voted to Leave, but for every single person in this country.
因此，今年当我坐在谈判桌前与欧盟继续协商时，我会将此铭记于心：我在这里是要为英国争取最佳利益，不只是为投票脱欧的人争取，而是为这个国家的每个人争取。
Of course, the referendum laid bare some further divisions in our country between those who are prospering and those who are not; those who can easily buy their own home, send their children to a great school, find a secure job and those who cannot; in short, those for whom our country works well and those for whom it does not.
确实，脱欧公投进一步加剧了我们国家的分化程度，在富裕阶层和并不富裕的人之间产生分化;那些可以轻而易举购置房产，将子女送进最好的学校，轻易找到一份稳定工作的人和做不到这些的人也产生了分化;总之，分化就在这些国家利益既得者和国家利益缺失者之间产生。
This is the year we need to pull down these barriers that hold people back securing a better deal at home for ordinary working people. The result will be a truly united Britain in which we are all united in our citizenship of this great nation; united in the opportunities that are open to all our people and united by the principle that it is only your talent and hard work that should determine your future. After all, it is through unity that our people have achieved great things: through our precious union of nations―England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland; through our union of people―from sports teams to armed forces; business to charities; schools to hospitals; and, above all, through our union of communities and families.
在新的一年，我们必须扫清这些阻隔人民之间的障碍，为辛勤工作的普通人争取更好的待遇。这才会带来一个真正联合的英国，我们以这个伟大国家的公民身份彼此联合;面对全民开放的机会我们彼此联合，而联合所遵循的原则是只有你的才华和你的努力程度才是决定你未来的关键。毕竟，只有联合在一起，我们的人民才能取得如此伟大的成就：我们有四大构成国组成的宝贵联盟――英格兰、苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰;还有国民之间的联合――从奥运代表队到武装力量;从企业机构到慈善组织;从学校到医院;但最为重要的还是我们社区组织和每家每户的联合。
Of course, it isn’t just big, global events that define a year, it is personal things. 2017 might be the year you start your first job, or buy your first home. It might be the year your children start school, or go off to university or that you retire after a lifetime of hard work. These things―life’s milestones―are the things that bind us, whoever we are.
当然，要给这一年下定义，不仅仅要看全球性的大事件，更要看个人化的事件。20或许你会开始人生的第一份工作，或买下第一套房子。这一年你的孩子可能第一次走进课堂，或者离家迈入大学校园，又或者你努力工作了一本子，今年终于得以退休。正式这些小事成为我们生命的里程碑，把我们紧紧联系在一起，无论我们是谁。
As the fantastic MP Jo Cox, who was so tragically taken from us last year put it: “We are far more united and have for more in common than which divides us.” We have a golden opportunity to demonstrate that. To bring this country together as never before so that whoever you are, wherever you live, our politics, economy and society work for you, not just a privileged few. So as we look ahead to a year of opportunity and unity, let me wish you and your family, a peaceful, prosperous and happy New Year.
去年，了不起的JO COX议员不幸地永远离开了我们，她生前曾说过：“跟分化我们的因素相比，我们更有理由联合在一起，拥有更多的共同之处。”如今有这样千载难逢的机会来证明这点。为了让国家前所未有的联合起来，无论你姓甚名谁，无论你住在何处，我们的政治、经济和社会都会服务于你的利益，而不是服务于那些特权少数阶层。因此，当我们展望明年的机遇和联合统一时，请让我祝福您和您的家人拥有一个祥和安定、幸福快乐的新年。
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篇3：托尼·布莱尔简介
性别：男
出生年月：1953年5月6日
出生地：英国苏格兰首府爱丁堡
国籍：英国
职务：英国首相
托尼·布莱尔，1953年5月6日出生于英国苏格兰首府爱丁堡的一个中产阶级家庭。布莱尔从小聪明伶俐，上小学时曾因成绩优良而跳级。1966年获奖学金，进入苏格兰最好的爱丁堡费提斯学校学习。1972年，布莱尔考入牛津大学圣约翰学院攻读法律。1975年，刚刚跨出校门的布莱尔加入工党，并取得了律师资格。1983年，年仅29岁的布莱尔当选为英国下院议员，被视为英国政治界的“金童”。
踏入政坛之后，他便一帆风顺，先后出任工党经济、工贸、能源和就业事务发言人，1992年起出任工党影子内阁内政大臣。1994年5月，工党领袖史密斯突然病逝，年富力强的布莱尔被推到了前台，两个月后，布莱尔接任工党领袖职位，同年，他被女王任命为枢密院成员。
在的大选中，工党以压倒多数的选票击败连续执政达之久的保守党，当选时年仅44岁的布莱尔也是英国185年来最年轻的首相。布莱尔被国内外视为锐意改革、有思想并具魄力的领导人。6月，布莱尔再次赢得大选。这是英国历史上首次连任的工党首相。布莱尔在英国人的心中有着近乎完美的形象。他是英国历史上最年轻的首相，他高大英俊，温文尔雅，风度翩翩。他拥有一个幸福的家庭。另外，他还是一位虔诚的基督教徒。
布莱尔十分注重自己的形象，包括在个人生活中。布莱尔被认为是一个好丈夫、好父亲，他和夫人切丽共生育了4个孩子，其中5月20日降临人间的小利奥是唐宁街10号150年来出生的第一个婴儿。布莱尔其乐融融的家庭生活令许多英国民众艳羡不已。此外，布莱尔还多才多艺，他热爱体育，曾是一名出色的橄榄球队员，他对音乐也颇有造诣。
布莱尔一方面坚持英国外交政策的连续性传统，对欧盟，持相对保留的态度，保持若即若离的状态。另一方面，致力于消除与德法的紧张关系，英国与德法的关系有所改善，积极参与了欧盟的许多事务。同时布莱尔仍将与美国的关系放在英国外交政策的首位，多次强调要维持“英美特殊关系”，紧跟美国的外交步伐。
这种“特殊关系”在伊拉克问题中得到了突出的体现，布莱尔对于美国的支持，可谓亦步亦趋。但布莱尔不惜对伊动武的政策遭遇了来自国内外的压力。2月26日英国议会下院就布莱尔政府的对伊政策的表决中，有120名工党议员投了反对票，这在布莱尔执政以来是十分罕见的。在国外，布莱尔支持美国对伊动武的立场，受到了国际社会的广泛反对和质疑，特别是同为欧盟国家，并在安理会意见完全相左的法国和德国，对英国对伊政策的反对尤为激烈。
目前布莱尔在伊拉克问题上面临进退两难的境地，处境十分尴尬。一方面，布莱尔必须坚持在对伊问题上紧紧追随美国的一贯立场，另一方面，他也不得不认真对待国内的反战声浪，因为这个问题可能事关其党魁和首相位置。因此，在伊拉克问题上，国际社会普遍认为布莱尔正面临一场豪赌，而赌注很可能就是他的政治生命。
布莱尔对法律、工会、税收、贸易、能源、就业、犯罪等问题感兴趣； 喜欢读书，爱好网球和音乐； 著有《新英国，我眼中的年轻国家》等书。
英国《观察家评论》日前发表英国首相布莱尔的亲人、同学、邻居和同僚的谈话，介绍布莱尔非同寻常的经历：
富有爱心 孝敬父母
托尼·布莱尔的哥哥我对弟弟的最早记忆始于举家迁到澳大利亚的时候，当时我约四岁，托尼一岁多。在澳大利亚阿德莱德，我们过得很幸福。父亲是大学法学讲师，他对新工作很适应，妹妹萨拉在那儿出生，托尼也很喜欢那里。他是一个很有爱心的孩子，与附近的特雷德雷老两口建立了友情，经常骑自行车去看望他们，还跟他们聊一聊新近的板球比赛。托尼跟我们都不一样，他热衷于各种体育运动。他们谈起体育来津津有味。我们返回英国后，有一段时间特雷德雷先生还经常给他写信。很多年过去了，托尼的这些品质并没有改变，对手足之情，他过去忠贞不渝，现在依然如此。他是一个好孩子，而且完全不是一个华而不实的人。
三年半后，我们回到了英国。在格拉斯哥的祖父母家短暂停留后，我们去了达勒姆，父亲利奥在当地大学法学院谋到一份新的工作，同时他也在攻读律师资格，并开始执业。他还积极参与当地保守党的活动。自我们回国以来，父亲就在政治上雄心勃勃。他很善于与人沟通，能够将自己的想法表达得趣味盎然，引人入胜。对父亲来说，一切似乎都很如愿。但是在42岁那年，他突患中风。父亲在事业上正如日中天，这对他是致命一击。
对我们来说，孩提时代的幸福时光戛然而止。母亲挑起了家庭重担，我记得托尼对患病的父亲非常耐心，尽力伺候他。人们经常分析父亲中风对托尼的影响。很多人说父亲的雄心传给了儿子，其实问题远非那么简单。五六年之后，母亲被确诊患有甲状腺癌，又过了五年，母亲撒手人寰。我认为，这些情况合在一起给了托尼获得成功的动力。母亲去世对他的影响丝毫不亚于父亲中风。
母亲黑兹尔几乎在各个方面都跟父亲截然不同。父亲是跟养母长大的，而母亲则出身于一个稳固的大家庭，亲戚很多。她聪慧谦和，是家里的主心骨。不过，她不喜欢社交，也不看重雄心和成功，更看重家庭和友情这些实实在在的价值观。
我认为人们往往低估了母亲对托尼的影响。托尼继承了父亲身上很多优秀品质，尤其是他的闯劲和能力，同时也继承了决策能力。但托尼从很小就形成了一种不同的世界观，他尊重父亲，但并不一定赞成他的观点。两人经常在电话中交谈。父亲70岁那年再度中风，现在说不了多少话。但是，父子之间仍然能够很好地沟通。
思维敏捷 长于表达
尼克·赖登，律师，托尼的中学好友我和托尼认识时都是13岁，那时我们在爱丁堡的费蒂斯公学就读。我们成了好朋友，后来关系一直很密切。当时托尼热衷于辩论和表演，没有任何迹象表明他日后会成大器，不过表演和辩论的技能对于任何一个成功的政治家都是至关重要的。他为人真诚体贴，而且有表演才能。他思维敏捷，擅长表达，足以舌战群儒。
这个学校就像一个独立王国，似乎与世隔绝，进来以后就等于同家人和以前的朋友断绝了联系。学校制度很陈腐，很大程度上是适者生存，唯一的乐趣就是嘲笑和逃避这种制度。托尼常常打趣这种制度。
酷爱阅读 博览群书
凯蒂·凯，托尼的邻居（认识布莱尔已经，现为他的特别顾问）我们上个世纪80年代搬到哈克尼，在那里结识了布莱尔夫妇，不久来往就很密切了，互相串门，有时一块儿吃饭。后来两家人开始一起去度假，要么去意大利，要么去法国。给我印象很深的是，托尼酷爱阅读，喜欢一个人静静地坐着读书，读《圣经》和其它严肃书籍。他还喜欢坐在院子外面，同路人聊天，一聊就是几个小时。
托尼是百灵鸟而不是猫头鹰，他喜欢早睡早起，通常天刚蒙蒙亮就起床，把才几个月的大儿子放在幼儿体操架上，自己坐在旁边喝咖啡看书。等我们起床出门，他已经起来四个小时了。
喜欢社交 不咄咄逼人
查利·福尔克纳，布莱尔的政治同僚（曾一起当过律师，现在布莱尔政府任职）自上个世纪60年代末我们认识以来，托尼·布莱尔本质上就没变过。他是一个喜欢社交的人，令人难以置信的是，他不咄咄逼人，在与人交谈中不霸道，发表自己的观点不会大嚷大叫。他的说服能力令人惊叹。托尼非常自信，但不傲慢自大。他雄心勃勃，非常有魅力。
跟撒切尔夫人式的政治家不同，他从不将自己的意志强加于人，对别人发号施令，而是以理服人。我从来没有想到他会成为首相。由于他不那么咄咄逼人，他会花很多时间找有关的事实依据，一旦找到解决方案，他就会付诸实施。
他一直很注意保护家人，极力避免使家人受到过多关注和干扰。然而，这种事情不可避免。看到妻子切丽受到媒体的攻击，托尼非常痛苦。她之所以受到攻击，是因为丈夫是首相。托尼几乎无法出面为她辩护。
篇4：英国首相,如何说“不”美文
英国首相,如何说“不”美文
你求别人一件事，对方不肯，往往最令你难堪的不是事情没办成，而是自己遭到拒绝，失了面子。
别人求你一件事，你不好意思拒绝，主要原因也往往是怕伤了人家自尊。
历史上很多成功的领导人都精通拒绝的艺术，在说“不”的'同时，还能给足对方面子。
十九世纪英国首相狄斯雷利就是一例。
有个野心勃勃的军官一再请求狄斯雷利加封他为男爵。
首相知道此人才能超群，也很想跟他搞好关系。
但军官不够加封条件，狄斯雷利无法满足他的要求。
一天首相把军官单独请到办公室里，对他说：“亲爱的朋友，很抱歉我不能给你男爵的封号，但我可以给你一件更好的东西。”
狄斯雷利放低声音说，“我会告诉所有人，我曾多次请你接受男爵的封号，但都被你拒绝了。”
这个消息一传出，众人都称赞军官谦虚无私、淡泊名利，对他的礼遇和尊敬远超过任何一位男爵。
军官由衷感激狄斯雷利，后来成了他最忠实的伙伴和军事后盾。
篇5：《女巫布莱尔》电影观后感作文
《女巫布莱尔》电影观后感作文
《女巫布莱尔》是一部由丹尼尔·麦里克 / 艾德亚多·桑奇兹执导，希瑟·多纳约 / 乔舒华·莱纳德 / 迈克尔·C·威廉姆斯主演的一部恐怖 / 悬疑类型的电影。
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(一)：《女巫布莱尔》的未知与真实
早期的欧美恐怖片有两类恐怖点是普遍使用的。一是源自于对宗教的不信任，背弃上帝的女巫、巫师、吸血鬼和唾弃圣徒的撒旦及其衍生的僵尸幽灵等；一是来源于对自然的未知，如自然灾害和被放大了许多倍的动物肆虐人间。前一类恐怖片发轫于表现主义的《诺斯费拉图》，令人毛骨悚然的是吸血鬼尖尖的牙齿和指甲，以及面目可憎的恶魔形象；后一类衍生成为现代灾难片，大白鲨一口咬断美女的玉腿，顿时鲜血四溅染红了海水。
这些影片虽然题材、表现形式略有不同，但有一个共同点，它们会通过画面告诉你，主角们遇到的具体是什么样的敌人，以及会有什么后果。《猛鬼街》里德弗莱迪穿着红黑色长袖毛衣，他的手是钢铁做的，就像《剪刀手爱德华》那样，碰见了他，你会在梦中被他杀死；《驱魔人》里魔鬼附身人类，会让被附身者青面獠牙，脑袋还会360度旋转。大部分遭难的人都会以死为结局。
它们为观众提供了一个明确而具体的恐怖形象，具体的杀人手段/过程，和最后导致的结果(死亡)。但这些事物是否具体存在，谁也不得而知。主创在设计恐怖形象时，通常会依据个人的生活阅历和各种民间传说等杂糅后思考出来，也就是说，这是主创者主观意志下的产物。没有人真正见过开膛手，用李慕白在《卧虎藏龙》中的话来说就是，“开膛手是虚名，恐怖是虚名，一切都是人心的作用。”可以说，再可怕的事物也难以敌过自己的思想。
《女巫布莱尔》与之前恐怖片有所不同。从片头到片尾，观众对布莱尔的形象、手段都没有任何完整的印象。片中调查小队进行了几次采访。一个戴着棒球帽的男孩说她杀人时通常会叫其他孩子站在墙角，等她杀掉一个后再叫另一个过来；戴眼镜的爷爷说森林里闹鬼；还有一个名叫Mary Brown的看上去疯疯癫癫的女人说，她见过女巫，长着一身黑毛。
调查小队认为这些人的说法都是胡说八道。一般来说，在制作纪录片时采用其他人的观点，要么是为了告诉观众片面信息，要么就是为后来得到的结论埋下伏笔。该片给出了几个人的采访，甚至其中包括两个完整的故事，但该片的意图似乎并不是要观众从这些采访中寻找线索。这一采访仅持续了5分钟，80分钟的片长，采访就在正片前10分钟结束了。这段短暂的采访，只是为了给观众营造一种真实感。
在《恐怖的作法》中，小中千昭指出，真正的'恐怖“不是真实，而是真实感”。在现实中会出现的“恐怖”就是“死亡”，但是如果被这个常识所限制，恐怖片中的恐怖就失去了意义。《女巫布莱尔》不提供任何恐怖形象，没有确切的暴力手段，只给予观众进入森林的真实体验。刚进森林时大家精神抖擞有说有笑，一天过去了相安无事，第二天发现迷路了，女主碍于面子不敢承认，晚上又听到了异常声响，大家内心开始波澜。第三天终于迷路，开始陷入争吵，打斗。第四天女主开始自责，哭泣，争吵不断。第五天同行的小哥失踪，另两人开始陷入绝望境地。在各种跟拍摇晃、光线不足、模糊的镜头下，观众看见片中的人物一个个走向崩溃和毁灭。观众也在一阵阵呕吐、眩晕、迷茫的观影感受下陪片中角色们走进一栋废弃大楼，听到女主丧心病狂的尖叫声，跟着镜头游离在一片未知之中。这才是最原始的恐怖体验。
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(二)：关于还没看过的《女巫布莱尔》
围绕纪录片的潜在条件叙事：当我们在见证别人的生活时，会感受到一种完全不同的魅力，尽管这些人似乎与我们生活在同一个现实世界。 在这部影片中，这种魅力不仅在于它把纪录片的惯例和手提摄像机产生的粗糙的现实主义感觉相结合，赋予了一个虚构情景以历史的可信性，而且还充分利用了与这部电影特性相关的宣传和公共渠道，为帮助观众欣赏这部影片做好准备。这些渠道包括一个内容涉及女巫布莱尔背景信息、专家证言以及相关的“真实”人物与事件的网站，使人相信这部影片并非虚构，也不仅仅是记录电影，而是依据三个悲惨地失踪了的电影制作者的原始素材制作的。所有的一切都是为了能打着这样的旗号来推销影片而设计好的。 假如没有其他因素的话，《女巫布莱尔》就会提醒我们，我们自己对于一部电影究竟是不是纪录片的看法在很大程度上容易受到别人意见的影响。
——比尔·尼科尔斯《纪录片导论》
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(三)：恐怖片讲的就是创意
也许因为之前看过《死亡直播》等类似伪纪录题材，所以再看这个已经不觉得新鲜，而且完全没有《死亡直播》紧张刺激。本来最大的悬念是女巫，可是看到最后连影也没有一个，这不是刷流氓吗？也许在当年这算惊艳之作，而且有最低成本的噱头（但我觉得不可能才花那么点钱，导演一开始就想着用这个来炒作吧？），才取得了惊人的票房。后面多部模仿这种风格的片子，有些脑洞开得还比较大，但都未能超越它的票房成绩，可见还是天时地利人和使然，并不是说片子有多好。 不过恐怖片在北美还挺有市场的，不时有卖上亿票房的作品出现。其实在内地，恐怖片也是有市场的，除了一部分刚需，有质量的恐怖片也能带来话题和上座率，《孤岛惊魂》固然粉丝加持颇大，但也说明了如果故事更牛逼，有明星坐镇，分分钟是爆款。《京城81号》就是话题+明星，和还过得去的制作及故事，成就了至今未被超越的一个高峰。在不能有鬼的限定下，又没有一线明星压阵，国产恐怖片5年内都无法打破这一纪录。除非温子仁来拍一部与中国相关的题材。
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(四)：短评
看过的恐怖片可能没有二十部吧。
有过探险亲身体会的对这部会更感同身受，这部最好玩，我觉得很棒。
把个人很隐秘很惊险的纪录式“探险”变成可以安全体验的影像，唤起了所有爱探险的人的体会。
把故事片拍得像纪录片但又必须像故事片不漏痕迹很难吧？结尾不是很好。
没有出现女巫没有很血腥的镜头
记录式的风格
粗粒硬光偏棕黄的色调显示着氛围的不安 颓靡腐朽的气息
路人的陈述（那位爷爷的叙述很明显就是数次忘词 低头看台词 OMG 钓鱼的两人无论表演 走位 台词 构图也有很明显的人为的痕迹 ），Mary Brown的惊悚的表演（表演得有些急缺乏力道），其实她自己就仿佛让观众看到了巫婆的模样 提示着巫婆的可怖。
森林的视觉感 不规整 满地的树叶 衰败的一片 四处零落 伸展的枝条 如人般站立 扭曲的树干。。。
两部摄影机 使得场景得以更多角度 机位的展示有了合理的理由 丰富视觉效果强化戏剧性 模仿了三个人物的视点 当人物面对镜头说话 仿佛是观众参与到了那个情境中 增强了观众的参与感
两部摄影机一黑白一彩色 黑白彩色自由切换少有任何提示 女主讲述古老的故事是黑白 那位大爷 MARY BROWN 两个钓鱼者也是黑白 大概是因为为了弥补表演疏漏 氛围不合的真实性 同时强化那种恐怖感
国内也有模仿 像后来这种伪纪实的恐怖片，像第一部的模仿鬼影实录的B区三十二号，但是无论国内外 很少有比这部影响力大 具影史上如此重要的地位 不仅因为投资报酬比 因为这种伪记录式的新颖的手法，也因为故事设置的绝佳的场景——荒芜衰败的森林 （个人认为比放在比如公寓这些室内的地方更合适），仔细认真考量的影像 故事节奏 表演的处理，
最重要的
是
三人独特鲜明的个性以及由他们这种个性所带来的自己需要承担的后果，而他们因此也因为没有休止的迷路无法阻止的黑暗的来临一天天紧随他们的危险 这种不断递进直达高潮的层次很让人信服 人物性格塑造 矛盾的可信的递进强化升级爆发 是许多 恐怖片都不在乎不重视的 所以虽然场面很恐怖还是还是还是让人觉得很假 人们只是来看恐怖 D但缺乏那种将自己的经验联系起来的更加真切的体验 无论是恐怖的氛围 人与人之间的矛盾的强化和由此带来的后果 ，
日本的恐怖片重氛围 重心理 能产出这么优秀的恐怖片的国度和其根深蒂固的死亡意识有关，作为一个多自然灾害的国家 ，如樱花般，日本人甚至崇尚刹那绚烂后的死亡。美国恐怖片血腥，重视直观的视觉效果。大陆恐怖片缺乏发展的合法的空间，香港恐怖片的发展因好莱坞大片对国内市场的冲击导致的香港电影的衰落而中止，即使大陆有足够的空间发展出很优秀的恐怖片，也必然是和日本 美国恐怖片都不一样的类型把？
让人去想象的恐怖是最恐怖的 因为这种恐怖遥无止境
不会写了 好像乱写了一通 毕竟很少看不敢看恐怖片 也对它不了解
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(五)：一部没有女巫的女巫电影
这部电影最大的出彩之处，就是用拍纪录片的手法，拍摄的整部片子，看完后不仅让人觉得，仿佛真的有女巫布莱尔，虽然在电影中女巫全程没有出现，我们只能通过三位主人公的肢体语言，脸上恐怖的表情，“看见”女巫，但看完后，我总觉得片子是真实的，仿佛真的有女巫存在，把虚构的情景拍成纪录片。
片中导演运用黑白和彩色来分辨纪录片的拍摄和日常生活中的拍摄，在拍摄中不断有嘈杂的声音收录进去，体现了纪录片的真实性，通过不同人口述女巫，增加女巫的真实性，在寻找女巫的过程中，成员中也不断发生矛盾冲突，镜头拍摄时虽然是固定镜头，也经常抖动，影调以暗色调为主，以主观视点拍摄，以特写和近景为主。
最后要说的是，这片不值得看，最后女巫根本没出现，三位主角就莫名的被女巫杀死了，我还以为最后会有人来解释缘故，最后三主角都死了，这部电影也结束了。
《女巫布莱尔》观后感(六)：《女巫布莱尔》短评
伪记录恐怖开山之作竟然这么出色。直接入题，采访调查做足真实感后进入森林。没有唬人的鬼怪镜头，靠极其简单的道具(石头、树枝)，音效(各种奇怪声音、朋友的呼救)，角色关系(欺骗、争吵、猜疑)，时间(日夜更迭)和空间(走不出的森林)设计，不动声色地把恐怖氛围塑造起来，后来者也只有《鬼影实录》再现了这种构思上的取胜，比一众鬼怪伪记录恐怖片高明了不知多少。最后的楼房搜索声画效果极其出色，《中邪》结尾的追逐大概也是来源于此。戏里靠极少的角色在有限的空间里发展出一场绝望恐怖的戏码，戏外靠极少的资金人员设备道具和简单的摄制方法就可完成这样一部优秀的影片，不由得重新思考起自己影片的呈现方式。
篇6：英国首相梅姨演讲感言全文
Mr President, Deputy Secretary-General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honour for me to address this General Assembly for the first time and to do so as Prime Minister of a country that has always been a proud and pro-active member at the very heart of this United Nations.
This United Nations was formed because leaders across the world knew that they could only deliver security for their citizens at home if they could cooperate, as a community of nations, to deliver security across the globe.
Some of the threats that we face together today are familiar to those founding leaders: war, political instability, abuses of human rights and poverty.
Others are new: global terrorism, climate change, and unprecedented mass movements of people.
We gather here today because we know that such challenges do not respect the borders of our individual nations and that only by working together shall we overcome them.
As a new Prime Minister to the United Kingdom my pledge to this United Nations is simple: the UK will be a confident, strong and dependable partner internationally C true to the universal values that we share together.
We will continue to honour our commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of our Gross National Income on development, building on the achievements we have already made to reduce poverty, deal with instability and increase prosperity the world over. And we will drive forward the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
We will continue to champion the rights of women and girls, making sure that all girls get the education they deserve, and tackling horrific abuses such as female genital mutilation and the use of sexual violence in conflict.
We will continue to be a steadfast, permanent member of the Security Council, meeting our NATO commitment to spend 2 per cent of GDP on defence and making a leading contribution to UN peacekeeping efforts, where we have doubled our commitment, including new deployments to Somalia and South Sudan.
We will continue to stand up for the rules based international system and for international law, and I join other leaders in condemning the outrageous bombing of the aid convoy in Syria yesterday.
We will continue to play our part in the international effort against climate change. And in a demonstration of our commitment to the agreement reached in Paris, the UK will start its domestic procedures to enable ratification of the Paris agreement, and complete these before the end of the year.
And we will continue to strengthen our existing partnerships, from this United Nations, to the Commonwealth and NATO, seeking to resolve conflict in countries across the world - from Colombia and Cyprus to Somalia and Yemen.
But we must never forget that we stand here, at this United Nations, as servants of the men and women that we represent back at home.
And as we do so, we must recognise that for too many of these men and women the increasing pace of globalisation has left them feeling left behind.
The challenge for those of us in this room is to ensure that our governments and our global institutions, such as this United Nations, remain responsive to the people that we serve. That we are capable of adapting our institutions to the demands of the 21st century and ensuring that they do not become irrelevant.
So when it comes to the big security and human rights challenges of our time, we need this C our United Nations - to forge a bold new multilateralism.
Because as we have seen even in the past week, no country is untouched by the threat of global terrorism. And when extremists anywhere in the world can transmit their poisonous ideologies directly into the bedrooms of people vulnerable to radicalisation, we need not just to work together to prevent conflict and instability in nation states but to act globally to disrupt the networks terrorist groups use to finance their operations and recruit to their ranks.
When we see the mass displacement of people, at a scale unprecedented in recent history, we must ensure we are implementing the policies that are fit for the challenges we face today.
And when criminal gangs do not respect our national borders C trafficking our fellow citizens into lives of slavery and servitude C we cannot let those borders act as a barrier to bringing such criminals to justice.
In each of these areas, it is the convening power of our United Nations that gives us a unique opportunity to respond. But we can only do so if we modernise and adapt to meet the challenges of the 21stcentury.
As a United Nations we have shown how we can work together to reduce the threat from international terrorism by preventing conflict and instability from developing.
For example, through our Permanent Membership of the Security Council, Britain has played a leading role in the fight against Al Shabaab in Somalia. Since , with huge support from across the region, and critically the commitment of Somalis themselves, Al Shabaab has been driven from all the major cities it used to control.
It is vital that as an international community we continue to support countries in the region that are contributing thousands of troops, and that we continue to build the capacity of Somali security forces. That is why the UK is now going to increase further our security support and we will be calling on others to do the same, hosting an international conference on Somalia in to maintain this vital momentum.
Missions like this must remain central to the work of this United Nations, but on their own they are not enough.
Because the terrorist threats we face today do not come from one country but exist in a different space. The global networks they exploit require a different kind of global response.
These organisations are using our own modern banking networks against us. So we need to look at our regulations, our information sharing and using our technological capabilities to get ahead of them.
They are targeting our airlines, exploiting the fact that no one country can keep its citizens safe when they are flying between multiple jurisdictions.
That is why this week the United Nations will vote on a UK led resolution on aviation security to ensure that every country implements the standards we need to ensure that no country is the weak link.
They are exploiting the internet and social media to spread an ideology that is recruiting people to their cause all over the world. So we need to tackle this ideology head-on.
That is why the UK has championed the work that the Secretary General has led to develop a strategy for Preventing Violent Extremism. Now, as an international community, we must work together to adopt and implement the most comprehensive national action plans to tackle both the causes and the symptoms of all extremism.
It is not enough merely to focus on violent extremism. We need to address the whole spectrum of extremism - violent extremism and non-violent extremism; Islamist and neo-Nazi C hate and fear in all their forms.
Just as we need the United Nations to modernise to meet the challenges of terrorism in the 21st century, so we also need to adapt if we are to fashion a truly global response to the mass movements of people across the world and the implications this brings for security and human rights.
The 1951 convention and the 1967 protocol must remain the bedrock of our response, but the context in which they must be applied has dramatically changed.
Across the world today, there are 65 million people who have been forcibly displaced. That it is equivalent to the entire population of the United Kingdom.
It is an unprecedented figure, one that has almost doubled in a decade. And yet UN appeals are underfunded; host countries are not getting enough support; and refugees are not getting the aid, education and economic opportunities they need.
We must do more. And as the second largest bi-lateral provider of assistance, the UK remains fully committed to playing a leading role.
In the last 5 years the UK has invested over $9 billion in humanitarian assistance, saving millions of lives every year.
The London Syria Conference in February raised $12 billion in pledges, the largest amount ever raised in one day in response to a humanitarian crisis.
And that money is being used to combine both urgent humanitarian assistance and vital economic development, benefitting both refugees and the communities and countries hosting them.
Clearly we need to continue our efforts to bring an end to the conflict and the appalling slaughter in Syria and to get aid through to those who need it.
And while these efforts continue inside Syria, we also agreed new efforts to support refugees and host communities in neighbouring countries, including through education and opportunities to work. This is being assisted by loans from international financial institutions and access to European markets. And through our trading relationships and direct engagement with businesses we are mobilising the private sector to create new jobs in the region for everyone.
And while there is more to be done, it is this approach to financing both humanitarian support and economic development that I will be championing when I announce a further UK financial contribution at President Obama’s Refugee Summit later today.
But in addition to refugees and displaced people fleeing conflict and persecution, we are also seeing an unprecedented movement of people in search of greater economic opportunities through the same unmanaged channels.
This affects all of us, and it is the responsibility of us all to take action. We cannot ignore this challenge, or allow it to continue unmanaged. We need to do better. Better for the countries people leave, for the countries they move through, for the countries they try to get to C and most of all, better for the migrants and refugees themselves.
Despite the huge increase in international efforts, more migrants have died attempting hazardous journeys across borders this year than any other. I believe we have to use the opportunity afforded by this General Assembly for an honest global debate to address this global challenge.
In doing so, we should be clear that there is nothing wrong with the desire to migrate for a better life. And also that controlled, legal, safe, economic migration brings benefits to our economies.
But countries have to be able to exercise control over their borders. The failure to do so erodes public confidence, fuels international crime, damages economies and reduces the resources for those who genuinely need protection and whose rights under the Refugee Convention should always be fulfilled.
I believe there are three fundamental principles that we now need to establish at the heart of a new approach to managing migration that is in the interests of all those involved.
First, we must help ensure that refugees claim asylum in the first safe country they reach. The current trend of onward movements, where refugees reach a safe country but then press on with their journey, can only benefit criminal gangs and expose refugees to grave danger.
So we must all do more to support countries where the refugees first arrive - to provide the necessary protection and assistance for refugees safely and swiftly, and to help countries adapt to the huge economic impact that refugees can have C including on their existing population.
As we are seeing in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, when the right assistance is provided, solutions that provide sanctuary and opportunity to refugees, and opportunities for those hosting them, can be found.
This is also good for the refugees and the countries they come from C because the closer they stay to home, the easier it will be for them to return and rebuild after the conflict.
Second, we need to improve the ways we distinguish between refugees fleeing persecution and economic migrants. I believe we must ensure the existing convention and protocol are properly applied to provide protection to refugees and reduce the incentives for economic migrants to use illegal routes. This in turn will help us target support for those refugees who need it most and retain the support of our populations for doing so.
Third, we need a better overall approach to managing economic migration which recognises that all countries have the right to control their borders - and that we must all commit to accepting the return of our own nationals when they have no right to remain elsewhere.
By ensuring a managed and controlled international migration response - and at the same time investing to tackle the underlying drivers of displacement and migration at source - we can reject isolationism and xenophobia, achieving better outcomes for all of our citizens C and particularly for the most vulnerable.
Finally, as we gather here today to bring the founding values of the United Nations to bear on some of the most pressing global problems, the likes of which we haven’t seen before, so we must also face up to the fact that some of the worst human rights abuses that we thought we had confined to the history books have re-emerged in new pernicious forms.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the General Assembly stated that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, that no one shall be held in slavery or servitude and that slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Yet nearly seventy years on, we are presented with a new form of slavery: modern slavery.
Organised crime groups, who are largely behind this modern slavery, lure, dupe and force innocent men, women and children into extreme forms of exploitation.
Trafficked and sold across borders; victims are forced into living the kind of inhumane existence that is almost too much for our imagination.
These criminals have global networks to help them make money out of some of the world’s most vulnerable people. Victims are held captive in squalid conditions under the constant shadow of violence and forced into sex and labour exploitation.
If we are going to succeed in stamping out this abhorrent crime and bring the perpetrators to justice, we need to confront the reality of what we are dealing with.
These organised crime groups work across borders and jurisdictions. And they often use the internet and modern technology to recruit, transport, control and exploit their victims, all the while staying ahead of legal systems that are often constrained by traditional geographical boundaries.
So we must take action.
We must use our international law enforcement networks to track these criminals down, wherever they are in the world, and put them behind bars where they belong.
We need to be smarter and even more co-ordinated than the criminal gangs in our efforts to stop them.
In the UK, I am setting up the first ever government taskforce for modern slavery, bringing together every relevant department to co-ordinate and drive all our efforts in the battle against this cruel exploitation.
We are also using our aid budget to create a dedicated fund focused on high risk countries where we know victims are regularly trafficked to the UK.
And yesterday, I committed the first 5 million from this fund to work in Nigeria to reduce the vulnerability of potential victims and step up the fight against those who seek to profit from this crime.
But if we are to meet the Sustainable Development Goal to eradicate modern slavery, we need to go much further.
Security relationships have developed between so many countries for dealing with issues like counter-terrorism, cyber security, drug trafficking and wider intelligence sharing. But we do not have a similar relationship for this fight against modern slavery.
So we need our law enforcement agencies to work together C with joint investigation teams working across multiple countries.
Victims will only find freedom if we cultivate a radically new, global and co-ordinated approach to defeat this vile crime.
Together we must work tirelessly to preserve the freedoms and values that have defined our United Nations from its inception.
Together we must work tirelessly to restore these freedoms and values to the lives of the men, women and children who are exploited for profit and held captive with little or no chance of escape.
From the St James’ Palace declaration and the Atlantic Charter forged by Winston Churchill and President Roosevelt, to the first meeting of this General Assembly in London in 1946, the United Kingdom has always been an outward-facing, global partner at the heart of international efforts to secure peace and prosperity for all our people.
And that is how we will remain. For when the British people voted to leave the EU, they did not vote to turn inwards or walk away from any of our partners in the world.
Faced with challenges like migration, a desire for greater control of their country, and a mounting sense that globalisation is leaving working people behind, they demanded a politics that is more in touch with their concerns; and bold action to address them.
But that action must be more global, not less. Because the biggest threats to our prosperity and security do not recognise or respect international borders. And if we only focus on what we do at home, the job is barely half done.
So this is not the time to turn away from our United Nations. It is the time to turn towards it.
Only we C as Members of this community of nations C can act to ensure this great institution becomes as relevant for our future as it has been in our past.
So let us come together, true to our founding values but responsive to the challenges of today and let us work together to build a safer, more prosperous and more humane world for generations to come.
篇7：英国首相丘吉尔的个人名言
英国首相丘吉尔的个人名言
1、成功不要紧，失败不致命。继续前行的勇气，才最可贵。
2、 悲观主义者在每个机会里看到困难。乐观主义者在每个困难里看到机会。
3、勇气是能站起来侃侃而谈。勇气也是能坐下来静静倾听。
4、你有敌人？很好。这说明在你的生命中的某个时刻，你曾经呐喊过。
5、要求不高，只求最好。
6、人经常被真相困扰。但是大多数人装作没看见就走了。
7、如果你感觉自己在走过地狱，走着别停。
8、历史对我不错，因为都是我写的。
9、谎言环游全球的时候，真相还没穿好裤子。
10、阿斯特女士：如果你是我老公，我就在你酒里下毒。
丘吉尔：如果你是我老婆，我毫不犹豫喝下去。
11、我本人是个乐观主义者，因为做别的貌似没什么用。
12、圆滑就是能让人满怀憧憬的走向地狱。
13、成功就是不断失败不失信心。
14、我喜欢猪。狗崇拜人类。猫鄙视人类。猪对我们一视同仁。
15、先生，你醉了。女士，我今天是醉了。但明天我清醒了，你就要丑了。
16、神经病就是既不肯听劝又不肯换个话题。
17、仅仅做到我们的最好是不够的，有时候我们得达到要求。
18、反对民主最好的论据就是与一个普通选民五分钟的谈话。
19、他的美德我都不喜欢。我喜欢的坏他也都没有。
20、我们靠赚钱生存。我们靠给予生活。
21、我时刻准备着学习，但是我不喜欢别人给我上课。
22、不学习历史的人注定要重复错误。
23、命运不靠机缘，而是靠你的抉择。命运不是等来的，而是争来的。
24、我们都是小虫，但我是发着光的小虫。
25、无限的努力是打开潜能的关键——而不是实力与头脑。
26、人生最重要的一课就是：傻子有时候也是对的。
27、我们相信美国会做正确的事。当然，是在她尝尽其他一切可能之后。
28、我准备好见上帝了。上帝有没准备好见我还很难说。
29、劫富无法济贫。
30、我打断你的时候不许打断我！
31、求和者就是希望鳄鱼最后一个吃自己的人。
32、我们是没说出的话的主人。我们是说出的话的努力。
33、伟大的代价是责任。
34、伟大的事情总是简单。最伟大的事情只有一个词：自由，正义，荣誉，责任，仁慈，希望。
35、大家都爱言论自由。但有些人对言论自由的理解是，我想说就说，但你说我不喜欢的话就无法容忍。
36、欲求新，则求变。欲求完美，求常变。
37、态度决定一切。
38、在以情动人前，你自己要先被打动。在你催人泪下前，你自己要热泪盈眶。在你以理服人前，你自己要坚信不疑。
39、一个通过征税求繁荣的国家就好像一个缩在桶里想把自己提起来的人。
40、开玩笑是件严肃的事情。
41、越是往后反省，越看得清前方。
42、世界上最刺激的事莫过于被打了一枪，子弹歪了。
43、忠言逆耳利于行。就像疼痛提醒你哪里病变一样。
44、如果事情运转良好，让它转着。
45、民主是最不坏的制度。
46、历史由胜者书写。
47、热爱传统从来没有削弱过一个国家。传统就是生死时刻用来救命的。
48、社会主义是一种失败的哲学，无知的原则，嫉妒的教条。它的好处是能平等地分享痛苦。
49、政客的能力第一在于能够预测明天、下周、下个月、明年能够发生什么。政客的能力第二在于解释为什么预测失败了。
50、战俘就是那个杀你失败然后求你别杀他的人。
51、健康的公民是国家最大的财富。
52、写书就像冒险。一开始它是玩具和娱乐。然后她成了你的情妇。然后是你的主人。然后变成一个暴君。最后你终于认命的时候，它死了，然后给拖到外面游街。
53、不管战略多美妙，偶尔看看结果如何很重要。
54、如果你指定一万条规章，你就摧毁了所有对法律的尊重。
55、你克服的困难就是你争来的机会。
56、简短的词是最好的，又短又古老的词最最好。
57、萧伯纳：随信附上两张剧票。如果你有朋友的话，带来一起看。
丘吉尔：第一场赶不上了。要是能开到第二场，我一定去。
58、资本主义的邪恶在于不公平的幸福分配。社会主义的美德在于公平享受痛苦。
59、一句谎话需要无数更大的谎话来遮掩。
60、现在不是轻松舒适的时候。现在是大胆和忍耐的时候。
61、这份文件通过它的长度成功保卫了自己不被阅读的权利。
62、走着走着，你会创造属于自己的小宇宙。
63、从今往后，所有的帝国都是思想的帝国。
64、我们仍然是我们命运的主人，我们仍然是我们灵魂的主宰。
65、怀疑只能由行动来回答。
67、永远的经典，无法翻译的英语经典。伦敦上空的鹰们万岁。
68、我们说一个企图靠收税变富饶的国家就像一个坐在吊桶里，想拉绳让自己升上去的人一样。
69、有些人认为私营企业是该枪毙的老虎。有人以为私营企业是能取奶的母牛。很少有人看到它的真面目：拖着车的老马。
70、如果希特勒入侵了地狱，我也会在议会里夸奖魔鬼几句。
71、只要我人在国外，我绝不攻击本国的政府。等回去我再补回来。
72、如果我们让过去和现在争吵，我们将失去未来。
73、美德的软弱就是对邪恶的支援。
74、世界上没有永恒的敌人，也没有永恒的朋友，只有永恒的`利益。
75、就算你要杀人，礼貌也伤不着你。
76、我感到自己在与命运同行。过去所有的生命不过为这一刻准备。我准备好了，我必将成功。
77、美德与伟大不能兼得。
78、我“吃”文字从来没反胃过。
79、战争中，决心。
失败中，不屈。
胜利中，慷慨。
和平中，好意。
80、世界历史可以这样总结：强国总行不义。等到他们醒悟了，他们已经不再强了。
81、学历史，学历史。历史里藏着一切的智慧。
82、我们等待入侵很久了。鱼也是。
83、我对自由意志和先验宿命的理解：它们是一样的。
84、决定不做决定，决心动摇不定，坚定地随波逐流，稳稳地随风摇曳，强大到一无所成。
85、世界上已经有太多谎言，不幸的是，它们一半都是真的。
86、穆斯林的拯救在于脱离宗教偏见。
87、虽然我准备好成仁了，但这事赶晚不赶早。
88、成功总需要更多努力。
89、行政机关不经审判就剥夺公民的自由是世间最丑恶的罪行。这也是极权政府——共产和纳粹——的基础。
90、生命中你有许多机会闭紧嘴巴。
91、据说人无完人。又据说磨练出完美。你们对下词好吗？
92、最可怕的事情就是不容忍的乌托邦。
93、社会主义要排泄财富，自由主义要结束贫穷。社会主义要消除私利，自由主义要保存自游。社会主义要杀死企业，自由主义要保护企业不受特权干扰。社会主义要攻击个人的至高地位，自由主义要给穷人最低限度的保障。社会主义崇拜规章，自由主义崇拜人性。社会主义攻击自由主义，自由主义攻击任何形式的思想垄断。
94、如果给我5分钟，我提前一周准备；如果是20分钟，我提前两天；如果是1小时，我随时可以讲。
95、我从不担心行动的危险，我更担心不行动的危险。
96、真正的才华体现在对未知、危险和矛盾的信息的判断之中。
97、悲观主义者从每个机遇中看到困难，乐观主义者从每个困难中看到机遇。
98、风筝顶着风高飞，而不是顺着风。
99、当老鹰沉默时，鹦鹉就开始叽叽喳喳了。
100、美国像是一个巨大的锅炉。只要下面点着火，它会产生无限的能量。
篇8：英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲
英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲
Twenty five years ago I came to Hong Kong as a student.
The year was 1985.
Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher had recently signed the historic Joint Declaration.
The remarkable story of the successful handover of Hong Kong and the great progress Hong Kong has continued to make is an example to the world of what can be achieved when two countries cooperate in confidence and with mutual respect.
Since then, China has changed almost beyond recognition.
China's National Anthem famously calls on the people of China to stand up Qi lai qi lai (stand up, stand up).
Today the Chinese people are not just standing up in their own country they are standing up in the world.
No longer can people talk about the global economy without including the country that has grown on average ten per cent a year for three decades.
No longer can we talk about trade without the country that is now the world's largest exporter and third largest importer and no longer can we debate energy security or climate change without the country that is one of the world's biggest consumers of energy.
China is on course to reclaim, later this century, its position as the world's biggest economy the position it has held for 18 of the last 20 centuries. And an achievement of which the Chinese people are justly proud.
Put simply: China has re-emerged as a great global power.
Threat or opportunity
Now people can react to this in one of two ways.
They can see China's rise as a threat or they can see it as an opportunity.
They can protect their markets from China or open their markets to China.
They can try and shut China out or welcome China in, to a new place at the top table of global affairs.
There has been a change of Government in Britain and a change of Prime Minister.
But on this vital point there is absolute continuity between my government and the Governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
We want a strong relationship with China. Strong on trade. Strong on investment. Strong on dialogue.
I made that clear as Leader of the Opposition when I visited Beijing and Chongqing three years ago.
And I repeat it as Prime Minister here in China's capital today.
In the argument about how to react to the rise of China I say it's an opportunity.
I choose engagement not disengagement.
Dialogue not stand-off.
Mutual benefit, not zero-sum game.
Partnership not protectionism.
Britain is the country that argues most passionately for globalisation and free trade.
Free trade is in our DNA.
And we want trade with China. As much of it as we can get.
That's why I have with me on this visit one of the biggest and most high-powered delegations a British Prime Minister has ever led to China.
Just think about some of the prizes that the rise of China could help to bring within our grasp.
Strong, and sustainable growth for the global economy.
Vital progress on the Doha trade round which could add US$170 billion to the global economy.
A real chance to get back on track towards a legally binding deal on emissions.
Unprecedented progress in tackling poverty
China has lifted 500 million people out of poverty in just thirty years.
Although there is still a long way to go - that's more people lifted out of poverty than at any time in human history.
You can see the results right across this enormous country.
When I worked in Hong Kong briefly in 1985, Shenzhen was barely more than a small town, surrounded by paddy fields and waterways.
Today it is a city larger than London. It makes most of the world's iPods and one in ten of its mobile phones.
And there are other benefits too in tackling the world's most intractable problems.
I welcome the fact, for example, that more than 900 Chinese doctors now work in African countries and that in Uganda it is a Chinese pharmaceutical firm that is introducing a new anti-malarial drug.
So I want to make the positive case for the world to see China's rise as an opportunity not a threat.
But China needs to help us to make that argument to demonstrate that as your economy grows, so do our shared interests, and our shared responsibilities.
We share an interest in China's integration into the world economy, which is essential for China's development.
If we are to maintain Europe's openness to China, we must be able to show that China is open to Europe.
So we share an interest in an international system governed by rules and norms.
We share an interest in effective cooperative governance, including for the world economy.
We share an interest in fighting protectionism and in a co-ordinated rebalancing between surplus and deficit countries.
These interests, those responsibilities are both economic and political.
Let me take each in turn.
Economic responsibilities
First, economic responsibilities.
Let's get straight to the point.
The world economy has begun to grow again after the crisis.
But that growth is very uneven.
Led by China, Asia and other emerging markets are growing quickly.
But in much of the advanced world growth is slow and fragile and unemployment stubbornly high.
We should not be surprised at this.
The crisis has damaged many advanced economies and weakened their financial sectors.
They face major structural and fiscal adjustments to rebalance their economies.
This is true of my own country.
We know what steps we need to take to restore the public finances and rebalance our economy towards greater saving and investment and greater exports.
And we have begun to take them.
But for the world economy to be able to grow strongly again - and to grow without creating the dangerous economic and financial instabilities that led to the crisis, we need more than just adjustment in the advanced world.
The truth is that some countries with current account surpluses have been saving too much while others like mine with deficits have been saving too little.
And the result has been a dangerous tidal wave of money going from one side of the globe to the other.
We need a more balanced pattern of global demand and supply, a more balanced pattern of global saving and investment.
Now sometimes when you hear people talk about economic imbalances, it can seem as though countries that are successful at exporting are being blamed for their success.
That's absolutely not the case.
We all share an interest and a responsibility to co-operate to secure strong and balanced global growth.
There is no greater illustration of this than what happened to China as the western banking system collapsed Chinese exports fell 12 per cent growth dropped to its lowest point in more than a decade and some 20 million jobs were lost in the Chinese export sector.
Changes in the structure of our economies will take time.
What is important is that the major economies of the world have a shared vision of the path of this change: what actions countries should avoid; what actions countries need to take and, crucially, over what period it should happen.
This is why the G20 - and the meeting in Seoul - is so important.
Together we can agree a common approach.
We can commit to the necessary actions.
We can agree that we will hold each other to account.
And just as China played a leading role at the G20 in helping to avert a global depression so it can lead now.
I know from my discussions with Premier Wen how committed China is to actions to rebalance its economy.
China is already talking about moving towards increased domestic consumption better healthcare and welfare more consumer goods as its middle class grows and in time introducing greater market flexibility into its exchange rate.
This can not be completed overnight but it must happen.
Let's be clear about the risks if it does not about what is at stake for China and for the UK - countries that depend on an open global economy.
At the worst point of the crisis, we averted protectionism.
But at a time of slow growth and high unemployment in many countries those pressures will rise again already you can see them.
Countries will increasingly be tempted to try to maximise their own growth and their own employment, at the expense of others.
Globalisation - the force that has been so powerful in driving development and bringing huge numbers into the world economy could go into reverse.
If we follow that path we will all lose out.
The West would lose for sure. But so too would China.
For the last two decades, trade has been a very positive factor in China's re-emergence on the world stage.
It has driven amazing growth and raised the living standards of millions.
Trade has helped stitch back China's network of relations with countries across the world.
We need to make sure that it does not turn into a negative factor.
Just as the West wants greater access to Chinese markets so China wants greater access to Western markets and it wants market economy status in the EU too.
I had very constructive talks with Premier Wen on exactly this issue yesterday.
I will make the case for China to get market economy status in the EU but China needs to help, by showing that it is committed to becoming more open, as it becomes more prosperous.
And we need to work together to do more to protect intellectual property rights because this will give more businesses confidence to come and invest in China.
UK companies are uniquely placed to support China's demand for more high value goods for its consumers.
Our Pavilion at the World Expo in Shanghai - which won the Gold Award for the best Pavilion design - was a showcase for so many of Britain's strengths from advanced engineering to education from great brands to great pharmaceutical businesses from low carbon to financial services to the creative industries.
In all these areas and many more, British companies and British exports can help China deliver the prosperity and progress it seeks.
We can be part of China's development strategy, just as China is part of ours.
A true partnership of growth.
In recent days, Britain has won new business worth billions of pounds involving companies across the UK and cities all over China. including a deal between Rolls Royce and China Eastern Airlines for 16 Airbus 330 aeroengines worth ￡750 million and inward investments worth in excess of ￡300 million
This is all in addition to at least ￡3bn of business which British companies have secured as part of the Airbus contract concluded with China last week and a further ￡2 billion of investments by Tesco to develop new shopping malls over the next five years.
And with nearly 50 of Britain's most influential culture, education and business leaders joining me on this visit I hope these deals can be just the beginning of a whole new era of bilateral trade between our countries.
Achieving this would be a real win-win for our two countries.
So if China is prepared to pursue further opening of its markets and to work with Britain and the other G20 countries to rebalance the world economy and take steps over time towards internationalising its currency that will go a long way towards helping the global economy lock in the stability it needs for strong and sustainable growth.
And just as importantly, it will go a long way in securing confidence in the global community that China as an economic power is a force for good.
Political responsibilities
But China does not just have new economic power.
It has new political power.
And that brings new political responsibilities too.
What China says - and what China does - really matters.
There is barely a global issue that needs resolution, which does not beg the questions: what does China think, and how can China contribute to a solution?
China has attempted to avoid entanglement in global affairs in the past. But China's size and global reach means that this is no longer a realistic choice.
Whether its climate change or development, health and education or global security, China is too big and too important now not to play its part.
On climate change, an international deal has to be fair.
And that means that countries with different histories can't all be expected to contribute in exactly the same way.
But a fair deal also means that all countries contribute and all are part of an agreement.
And there's actually a huge opportunity here for China.
Because China can really profit from having some of the most efficient green energy in the world.
On international security, great powers have a bigger interest than anyone in preserving stability.
Take development for example, China is one of the fastest growing investors in Africa with a vital influence over whether Africa can become a new source of growth for the world economy.
We want to work together to ensure that the money we spend in Africa is not supporting corrupt and intolerant regimes.
And the meeting of the UN Security Council which the British Foreign Secretary will chair later this month provides a good opportunity to step up our co-operation on Sudan.
As China's star rises again in the world, so does its stake in a stable and ordered world, in which trade flows freely.
Today, China is the world's second biggest importer of oil, and Sudan is one of your most important suppliers.
So China has a direct national interest in working for stability in Sudan.
And four fifths of your oil imports pass through the Malacca Straits.
So like Britain and the other big trading nations, you depend on open sea lanes.
And like us, your stability and prosperity depends in part on the stability and prosperity of others.
Whether its nuclear proliferation, a global economic crisis or the rise of international terrorism, today's threats to our security do not respect geographical boundaries.
The proliferation of nuclear material endangers lives in Nanjing as well as New York.
China is playing an active role in helping to prevent conflagration over North Korea.
We have been working with China in the UN Security Council to keep up the pressure on Iran and China's continuing role here is vital if we are to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
In your own region, I believe China can work with us to improve the situation for the Burmese people.
And China is one of the few countries that Burma will listen to on this point.
But political responsibilities are not just about how one country interacts with another those responsibilities also apply to the way a country empowers its own people.
Political perspectives
It is undeniable that greater economic freedom has contributed to China's growing economic strength.
As China's economy generates higher living standards and more choice for Chinese people, there is inevitably debate within China about the relationship between greater economic freedom and greater political freedom.
I recognise that we approach these issues with different perspectives. I understand too that being in government is a huge challenge.
I'm finding that running a country of 60 million people.
So I can only begin to imagine what it is like leading a country of 1.3 billion.
I realise this presents challenges of a different order of magnitude.
When I came here last I was Britain's Leader of the Opposition.
Now we've had a General Election.
It produced a Coalition Government, which combines two different political parties - the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats - with different histories and political philosophies, working together for the good of our country.
The Labour Party is now the official Opposition, with a constitutional duty to hold the new Government publicly to account.
Indeed if I were not in Beijing this Wednesday afternoon, I would be preparing for my weekly session of Prime Minister's questions in the House of Commons, where MPs question me freely about the whole range of government policy.
All the time the government is subject to the rule of law.
These are constraints on the government, and at times they can be frustrating when the Courts take a view with which the government differs but ultimately we believe that they make our government better and our country stronger.
Through the media, the public get to hear directly from people who hold different views from the government.
That can be difficult at times, too.
But we believe that the better informed the British public is about the issues affecting our society the easier it is, ultimately, for the British government to come to sensible decisions and to develop robust policies that command the confidence of our people.
I make these observations not because I believe that we have some moral superiority.
Our own society is not perfect.
There is still injustice which we must work hard to tackle.
We are far from immune from poverty and the ills that afflict every nation on earth.
But in arguing for a strong relationship between our countries, I want a relationship in which we can be open with each other, in which we can have constructive dialogue of give and take in a spirit of tolerance and mutual respect.
The rise in economic freedom in China in recent years has been hugely beneficial to China and to the world.
I hope that in time this will lead to a greater political opening because I am convinced that the best guarantor of prosperity and stability is for economic and political progress to go in step together.
In some respects it already has.
Ordinary Chinese people today have more freedom over where they live what job they do and where they travel than ever before.
People blog and text more.
It's right to recognise this progress.
But it's right also that Britain should be open with China on issues where, no doubt partly because of our different history and culture, we continue to take a different view.
There is no secret that we disagree on some issues, especially around human rights.
We don't raise these issues to make to us look good, or to flaunt publicly that we have done so.
We raise them because the British people expect us to, and because we have sincere and deeply held concerns.
And I am pleased that we have agreed the next human rights dialogue between our two governments for January.
Because in the end, being able to talk through these issues - however difficult - makes our relationship stronger.
Conclusion
So let me finish where I began.
China's success - and continued success - is good for Britain and good for the world.
It's not in our national interests for China to stumble or for the Chinese economy to suffer a reverse.
We have to make the case and I hope China will help us make the case that as China gets richer, it does not follow that the rest of the world will get poorer.
It is simply not true that as China rises again in the world, others must necessarily decline.
Globalisation is not a zero sum game.
If we manage things properly, if we win the arguments for free trade, if we find a way to better regulation, we can both grow together.
But if we don't, we will both suffer.
I referred earlier to Britain's Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo, “the Dandelion”
We are extremely proud that it won a coveted prize, and that it proved so popular with Chinese visitors.
It is, in its way, a symbol of the strength and the potential in our relationship.
Two different countries, past and future Olympic hosts, on far sides of the world, sowing the seeds of a flourishing relationship in the future, a relationship which has the potential to grow and to bloom.
Proof, perhaps, that Confucius was right when he said “within the four seas all men are brothers”
Yes, there we will be storms to weather.
Yes, there will be perils to overcome.
Yes, we will have to persevere.
But it will be worth it - for Britain, for China and for the world.
篇9：最著名的5位英国首相及其经典名言
最著名的5位英国首相及其经典名言
Neville Chamberlain内维尔·张伯伦
I believe it is peace for our time.我相信，这是属于我们这个时代的和平。
张伯伦与希特勒、墨索里尼签署了慕尼黑协定（Munich Agreement）后回到英国，高兴的宣称为人民带来了和平。1年后，第二次世界大战爆发。他也因绥靖政策（appeasement）而饱受批评。
Winston Churchill温斯顿·丘吉尔
We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.我们将在海滩上战斗，我们将在登陆地点战斗，我们将在田野和街头战斗，我们将在山区战斗。我们永不投降。（敦刻尔克大撤退后丘吉尔如是说。）
众所周知，在丘吉尔首相的领导下，英国获得了第二次世界大战的胜利。但许多人也许不知道，他还是一位伟大的作家。《二次世界大战回忆录》（The Second World War）和许多振奋人心的演讲让他获得了1953年的诺贝尔奖。
Margaret Thatcher撒切尔夫人
What Britain needs is an iron lady.大不列颠需要铁娘子。
被称为“铁娘子”的撒切尔夫人是英国至今唯一的一位女首相，也是近百年来任期最长的一位。她治下的英国获得了马岛战争的胜利，并和中国签署条约，于移交香港主权。
Clement Attlee克莱门特·艾德礼
I think the British have the distinction above all other nations of being able to put new wine into old bottles without bursting them.我觉得英国高于其它所有国家之处在于我们会用旧瓶装新酒，而不是打碎瓶子。
1945年，艾德礼击败了刚刚赢得二战的丘吉尔，担任英国首相。他的`为人和能力赢得许多人的称赞，其中甚至包括保守党首相撒切尔夫人。
Anthony Blair托尼·布莱尔
Sometimes it is better to lose and do the right thing than to win and do the wrong thing.有时侯正确的失败好过错误的胜利。
布莱尔是工党历史上任期最长的首相。在卡梅伦之前，他曾是最年轻的英国首相。
篇10：英国首相卡梅伦连任演讲
I've just been to see Her Majesty the Queen, and I will now form a majority Conservative government.
I've been proud to lead the first coalition government in 70 years, and I want to thank all those who worked so hard to make it a success; and in particular, on this day, Nick Clegg. Elections can be bruising clashes of ideas and arguments, and a lot of people who believe profoundly in public service have seen that service cut short. Ed Miliband rang me this morning to wish me luck with the new government; it was a typically generous gesture from someone who is clearly in public service for all the right reasons.
The government I led did important work: it laid the foundations for a better future, and now we must build on them. I truly believe we're on the brink of something special in our country; we can make Britain a place where a good life is in reach for everyone who is willing to work and do the right thing. Our manifesto is a manifesto for working people, and as a majority government we will be able to deliver all of it; indeed, it is the reason why I think majority government is more accountable.
Three million apprenticeships; more help with childcare; helping 30 million people cope with the cost of living by cutting their taxes; building homes that people are able to buy and own; creating millions more jobs that give people the chance of a better future. And yes, we will deliver that in/out referendum on our future in Europe.
As we conduct this vital work, we must ensure that we bring our country together. As I said in the small hours of this morning, we will govern as a party of one nation, one United Kingdom. That means ensuring this recovery reaches all parts of our country: from north to south, from east to west. And indeed, it means rebalancing our economy, building that “Northern Powerhouse”. It means giving everyone in our country a chance, so no matter where you're from you have the opportunity to make the most of your life. It means giving the poorest people the chance of training, a job, and hope for the future. It means that for children who don't get the best start in life, there must be the nursery education and good schooling that can transform their life chances. And of course, it means bringing together the different nations of our United Kingdom.
I have always believed in governing with respect. That's why in the last Parliament, we devolved power to Scotland and Wales, and gave the people of Scotland a referendum on whether to stay inside the United Kingdom. In this Parliament I will stay true to my word and implement as fast as I can the devolution that all parties agreed for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Governing with respect means recognising that the different nations of our United Kingdom have their own governments, as well as the United Kingdom government. Both are important, and indeed with our plans, the governments of these nations will become more powerful, with wider responsibilities. In Scotland, our plans are to create the strongest devolved government anywhere in the world with important powers over taxation. And no constitutional settlement will be complete, if it did not offer, also, fairness to England.
When I stood here 5 years ago, our country was in the grip of an economic crisis. Five years on, Britain is so much stronger, but the real opportunities lie ahead. Everything I've seen over the last 5 years, and indeed, during this election campaign, has proved once again that this is a country with unrivalled skills and creativeness; a country with such good humour, and such great compassion, and I'm convinced that if we draw on all of this, then we can take these islands, with our proud history, and build an even prouder future.
Together we can make Great Britain greater still. Thank you.
篇11：英国首相卡梅伦的演讲稿
英国首相卡梅伦的演讲稿
My message to Britain’s small businesses is you are the lifeblood of our economy. Over 90% of firms in this country are small firms, over 60% people working in the private sector work for businesses like yours. So please keep doing what you are doing, creating the jobs, the wealth and the success our country needs. The government is on your side. We want to get out of your way by deregulating, by cutting your taxes, by making it easier for you to take people on, but we also want to stand up for small businesses, we want to help you with rates, we want to help you with procurement, we want to help make sure that you can export and succeed. And above all, what we’ve got to do together is stand up for enterprise, entrepreneurship and for the dynamism that you represent and that’s the future of our country. But above all, keep doing the great work. Thank you.
篇12：布莱尔为英国女王王太后去世致悼词
布莱尔为英国女王王太后去世致悼词
名人演讲稿
Mreaker,IbeginbymovingandreadingtheHumbleAddre.
IbegtomovethatanHumbleAddrebepresentedtoHerMajestyexpreingthedeepsympathiesandcondolencesofthisHouseonthedeathofHerMajestyQueenElizabeth,TheQueenMother,whoselifewasgivenutintinglyindevotedpublicservicetotheCountryandtheCommonwealth;whowithhislateMajestyKingGeorgeVIralliedthenationinthedarkestdaysofwarandwhointimesofpeacewasaunifyingfigureforBritain,iiringloveandaffectioninallShemet.
OnFridayHercoffinwillbecarriedinaceremonialproceiontoWestmiterHall,whereitwillLie-in-StateuntiltheeveningofMonday,8April.Membersofthepublicwillbeabletopaytheirreectstherepriortothefuneral,whichwilltakeplaceat1130amonTuesday,9AprilinWestmiterAey.
Mr.eaker,IknowthatthewholeHousewilljoinwithmeinpayingtributetoTheQueenMother,whoforalmostacenturywaspartofourlives,iiredourcountry,arouseditsreectandaffectionandforwhoseserviceandlifewegiveourprofoundthanks.
PartofthefascinationwithTheQueenMotherwasthesheeranofhistorySheencompaed,notjustthegreateventsofthe20thcentury,itswars,theideologiesthatcameandwent,butitstechnologicalandscientificdiscoveries,itsvastlychangingculture.1801comparedto1701wasnodoubtverydifferent.But2001comparedto1901seemsanhistoricageapartandyetShesawitandexperienceditall.
ShewasbornduringtheBoerWar,inaneravirtuallyfreefromthemotorcar,atimewhen,Sheonceremembered,adairymanstilloftenstoodwithhiscowsellingmilknearthegatesofBuckinghamPalace.YetattheendofHerlife,thousandsofpeoplesente-mailsofcondolencetotheroyalweite.
TheTitanicsailedandsankwhenShewas11.WorldWarIbrokeoutonHerfourteenthbirthday.Herfirstchildwasbornin1926,theyearthattelevisionwasinvented.ShewasthelastEmpreofIndia.In1986ShebecametheoldestpersontobearthetitleofQueeninthehistoryoftheBritishmonarchy.AndinallShesaw20differentPrimeMinisterspathroughDowningStreet.OneofmybestmemoriesofHerissittingwithHeratBalmoral,asShetoldmeofHerpersonalrecollectionotjustofChurchillandAttlee,butofAsquith,LloydGeorgeandBaldwin.
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