名人英文演讲稿

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篇1：名人英文演讲稿

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.

It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.

One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.

One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check.

When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.

Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.

” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.

This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.

Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children.

Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.

This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.

Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

篇2：名人英文演讲稿

Harry S.

Truman: “The Truman Doctrine”

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress.

The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.

One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.

The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance.

Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.

Greece is not a rich country.

Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet.

Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine.

More than a thousand villages had been burned.

Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular.

Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared.

Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.

As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence.

Under these circumstances, the people of Greececannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction.

Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds.

These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad.

Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery.

The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the governments authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.

A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation.

The Greek army is small and poorly equipped.

It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory.

Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy.

The United States must supply this assistance.

We have already extended to Greececertain types of relief and economic aid.

But these are inadequate.

There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.

No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st.

Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis.

But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration.

It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect.

One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected.

The Government of Greece is not perfect.

Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year.

Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.

It has made mistakes.

The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.

We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.

We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.

The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.

The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.

Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.

And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.

Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.

That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.

The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.

As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.

We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.

One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.

This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.

Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.

The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.

We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes.

This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will.

The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria.

I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life.

The choice is too often not a free one.

One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.

The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority.

It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred.

But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.

In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation.

If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious.

Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.

Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much.

Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.

Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

We must take immediate and resolute action.

I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.

In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished.

I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.

Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.

If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress.

On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

This is a serious course upon which we embark.

I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.

The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.

This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.

The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment.

It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.

The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want.

They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife.

They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.

If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world.

And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

篇3：名人英文演讲稿

I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, it is victory. Victory at all costs—victory in spite of all terrors—victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized, no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that British Empire has stood for , no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall more forward toward his goal. I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of a

篇4：名人英文演讲稿

Can money buy happiness? Different people have different opinions. Some think yes, while others hold the opposite.

It is true that with enough money one can buy all the things one wants, and live a life of comfort and security. However, it is equally true that lack of money causes great distress. It is a common view that “money is the root of all evil.“ The pursuit of money drives many people to cheat and steal. In some places there is nothing that cannot be bought with money, resulting in corrupt societies where everybody is miserable.

When James visited Qingdao, I accompanied him all the time and reported on his visit. I was deeply touched by his honesty. It has taught me a lot. I think to err is human. The important thing is to have the courage to admit and correct ones error.

Honesty is a vital quality of human behaviour. So we should try to keep an honest mind in everything we say and do. I would like to say to all of my friends: Lets be honest people of good moral character.

Thank you.

篇5：名人英文演讲稿

Vice President Johnson, Mr.

Speaker, Mr.

Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.

For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now.

For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.

And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.

United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.

Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.

We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.

But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.

But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.

Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness.

For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.

Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.

Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to ”undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.“

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.

Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.

But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.

Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.

The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, ”rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,“ a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.

I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.

I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.

The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.

And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.

With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own.

篇6：名人演讲稿英文

This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.

Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their lifes savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.

The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: ”There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other.“ And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: ”Others are correct when they say: With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world.“ So said the leader of the Nazis.

In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.

Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no ”unwritten agreement.“ And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.

Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.

Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: ”Please, Mr. President, dont frighten us by telling us the facts.“ Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hours notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, ”The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.“ The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.

The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of ”restoring order.“ Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are ”protecting it“ against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: ”We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States“? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.

There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.

The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.

篇7：名人演讲稿英文

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.

VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.

XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.

XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.

For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright an d very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world -- the new world in which we now live -- instead of a place of mastery.

篇8：名人演讲稿英文

ladies and gentlemen, good morning. it’s my great honor to be here and i am very happy to see you all. thank you for being here. what i am going to talk about today is how to speak good English. making

first of all, i’d like to talk about the importance of speaking good English and share my experience in learning English with you. as you know, English has become an international language. wherever you go, English is always commonly used. it is convenient to know the language. at the same time, English may be the most important factor in deciding which countries are leaders in the future. the language of the most advanced management and technology is undoubtedly English. being able to absorb this information is really the key to the new century. in the 21century. we can’t go there and speak our own language because nobody is going to learn it in order to understand us. our asian rival, india, has surged ahead of other developing countries in information technology because of its superior English skills. unlewe are able to master English, we will not be able to get our population to use it and take advantage of the new economy. there is an urgent need to have a workforce which is proficient in the language in view of the information technology onslaught.

second, about learning English, i think laying a strong foundation is the first and most important step. in other words, you should read and speak English every day. memorizing new words and phrases is also helpful. of course, learning English takes some time, so don’t be impatient. remember, rome wasn’t built in a day. and then since English is not our native tongue, we must develop the muscles of your speech organs to produce unfamiliar sounds. when you read, read as loudly as possible, as clearly as possible and as quickly as possible. tongue muscles’ training is of importance in learning any foreign language.

third, if you want to speak good English, please don’t care how poorly well you speak, only care about catching the chances to speak. you must enjoy losing face, just forget about your face. the more you speak, the better your English will become. the more mistakes you make, the more progreyou will make. you must enjoy speaking poor English, because speaking is the only thing that will lead you towards success. don’t give up. just try your best. every time you move your mouth, your memory will deepen, your muscles will strengthen. you can make it.

i have made a considerable amounts of public English speaking in my life, i am often asked why the crazy English method is better than other methods or if the crazy English method will help all English learners. my answer is, the method will help the English learners because it is a perfect match with the chinese principles of diligence, self-help and determination. mere exposure to English will not enable you to speak English. if you want to drive you have to get in the car and drive, if you want to dance you have to turn on the music and dance, if you want to swim you have to jump in the water and swim. in fact, swimming is the perfect comparison to learning English. you can’t learn to swim by sitting in a room and reading books about swimming skills. in order to be a swimmer you’ve got to conquer you fear, you’ve got to survive and suck in water, yell for help, you’ve got to lose face many times before you can make it. but, to be a good swimmer you’ve got to practice again and again. to be a great swimmer you have to practice for years until you can harmonize every part of your body and mind.

finally, i want to greet you and encourage you to seize this unique opportunity to conquer English and make lifelong friends from all over our college. as you know, we are human beings ,not animals. we know what we want to do. we know our destiny is in our hands. with hard work and determination, we can do anything we set our mind to do. today, i will accompany you every minute on this unique journey. i want you to open your heart, i want you to be devoted, i want you to be crazy, i want you to forget about your face, i want to open your mouth wildly, i want you conquer your lazineand all the other human weaknesses, i want you to overcome all the obstacles that hold you back.

i want to share your joy and i want to share your struggle, but most important of all, i want to share your glory and victory. we are the future of china, the future of asian, and the future of the world. we desire to win, we must win, we will win, absolutely, definitely, and without any doubt! form a painfully shy boy who felt terrible about himself, who regarded himself as human trash, a born loser, to an internationally recognized English promoter, i made it. so i strongly believe that you will make it too. i have confidence in you.

篇9：短篇名人英文演讲稿

To be in the presence of a Rothko painting is to do far more than stand and admire a picture.

It is to have an experience.

The results of that experience depend upon the individual.

They range from the profound and moving perhaps even to the bemused.

Rothko's masterpieces are that.

Classified as, Abstract Expressionism, the paintings that he produced in the last twenty years of his life are some of the most remarkable and identifiable images of the twentieth century.

There is no ambiguity about Mark Rothko's genius, nor his intensity and his desire to create something intense and emotional.

He was, to the end of his life, uncompromising and brave in his belief and search for expression.

Mark Rothko's career as a painter spans five decades.

His life began in Russian Latvia and he came as an immigrant to America.

His heritage and life fuses European traditions and European and American modernism.

His work stands as some of the most powerful but uneasy pictures ever committed to canvas.

In the end illness, depression and eventually suicide brought his life to a close.

His work endures as a magnificent testament to a supreme artist who created a new and impassioned form of abstract painting.

Yet Rothko would have hoped it was more than that.

He might have hoped that those who came to see his work in the right setting might have an encounter akin to a religious experience.

There's no denying that his work is extraordinarily powerful.

It resonates with an energy, either uplifting or brooding.

It does not leave you alone.

In front of Rothko, you are forced to confront yourself.

You are drawn into an experience.

You feel dwarfed by the presence of something you cannot quite explain or comprehend.

Many people witnessing his work report feelings that are emotional and tearful.

No reproduction or photograph of his work can possibly do the original justice.

To feel the power of his work you have to be there in front of it.

What is certain is that Rothko was one of the pre-eminent artists of his generation.

His influences were many and his influence extends to composers and musicians as well as to painters.

There seems to be something about his best work that defies words.

Perhaps that is why titles and names for his work became redundant to him.

The artist himself chose to use numbers to identify works.

There were many attempts to commission Rothko to produce work to hang in public spaces.

There were not all successful.

Perhaps the most famous is the Rothko Chapel in Huston.

This experiment was years in the making and preparation.

The obsessive effort involved might even have contributed to Rothko's depression and his death.

Yet there is something about Rothko's work that begs to be hung in public spaces.

Rothko himself would not have wanted those spaces to be art museums.

There is something spiritual about the experience we have confronting his work.

Yet attempts to describe the work often fails.

Rothko himself found words inadequate preferring eventually to let the paintings exist in silence.

He tired of trying to explain what he saw as a fundamentally emotional and non-verbal experience.

Critics and the public alike disagree to this day, how far he succeeded in his quest to represent this.

Rothko was uncompromising.

Commissioned to provide work for a restaurant on Park Avenue, he produced forty paintings over three months.

He then decided to abandon the project, unhappy that his work should hang in a restaurant.

Much of that work now resides in museums in the US, London and Japan.

The work he produced was unique, powerful and individual.

A Rothko painting is an iconic image.

The canvasses he chose to work on were by most standards huge.

This is not art for the small room or the fainthearted.

A vast Rothko canvas might ty///picprise of floating rectangles of colour.

They work with and against each other.

They range from light and energising yellows and reds towards much deeper and far more sombre hues.

Whatever their variation, they never cease to convey a deep feeling of sensuality.

If you close your eyes or turn your back on a Rothko, you can feel its presence hovering and burning behind you.

His work shimmers with power and intensity.

The paintings are hypnotic and powerful.

Perhaps the clues to such extraordinary work and output come partly from the characters Rothko grew up with and the circles he mixed in.

His family of Russian Jewish extraction found themselves outcasts in their own country.

Immigrating to the US, the Rothkowitz's arrived at Ellis Island in the winter of 1913.

By 1914, Marcus Rothkowitz's father was dead.

Yet Marcus, who would change his name to Mark before WWII, was a bright and eager student.

With four languages at his disposal and as many cultural influences, he graduated from High School at seventeen years of age.

He won a scholarship to Yale, although he dropped out citing the Yale community as too elitist and racist for his taste.

It was not until 1923 that he witnessed, by accident, his first art class and began his life as an artist.

The Rothko that would find fame and fortune after WWII was still a long way off.

Enrolled in the New School of Design, Rothkowitz's tutors included GORKY and MAX WEBER.

New York at the time was a hotbed atmosphere revelling in modernism.

The galleries showed modernist paintings and the museums were to prove an invaluable resource for a budding artist.

Rothko had his own showing in 1928 and a year later he was teaching classes in sculpture and painting.

Rothko was a great thinker and debater.

He wrote, although never completed a book, on his theories linking modernism with primitive and children's intuitive art.

His work developed and he began to incorporate classical myths and symbolism.

In common with many, Rothko read and was influenced by Freud, Jung, and the concept of the collective unconscious.

The rise of Nazism forced the immigration to the US of many celebrated and avant-garde artists, Miro, Dali, Ernst and Breton among them.

Symbolism and modern art had taken New York by storm.

As heady and exciting as all this was, Rothko was still searching for a fresher mode of expression.

He broke away from symbolism into what have been called, 'multi form' paintings.

In these, his use of bright abstract colour emerged.

They were unique, in that they seemed to possess a life and energy of their own.

Yet at the same time, they were blurred blocks of colour without recognisable form.

There were not landscapes as such, nor human figures, or symbols.

In this work and the extraordinary work that was to follow, it seemed as if Rothko had abandoned traditional artistic aims altogether.

His work seemed more to do with a spiritual quest than a representation or interpretation of an object.

As he developed his ideas through these forms and experience, it occurred to Rothko that even specific titles for his work were too restrictive.

As Rothko struggled with his vision and expression, his personal life suffered.

He fought depression, alcoholism and after a second marriage break up and then his mother's death, he retreated into seclusion.

The resulting work was to be extraordinary.

For seven years, he painted in oils on vast canvasses.

These have the effect of immersing the viewer, providing a feeling of intimacy and awe.

During the 1950's Rothko travelled widely still seeking out art and revelling in the Italian frescoes.

Conversely, as fame and fortune found him, so he began to doubt his work was being appreciated for the right reasons.

Former friends, perhaps jealous of his commercial success, accused him of betrayal and of selling out.

Buying a Rothko, it seemed, was a prudent and sound financial investment for an art collector.

Frustration trying to verbalise or explain his art caused him to further shy away from discussing his work.

That same work seemed to express real human emotions, from tragedy to ecstasy.

Critics see Rothko's move towards dark and brooding colours as symptomatic of his depression.

As his retrospective is held in the Museum of Modern Art, Pop Art is already the next 'big thing.

' Rothko is scathing in his opinion of those who have not paid their dues and calls the movement, the tragedy of art as a commodity.

Perhaps the commissioning of what became the Rothko chapel, was the fitting place for this genius' work to be experienced.

To Rothko's delight, it would be far from the hub of fashionable New York.

The distance meant that people who wanted the experience would have to be prepared to make the journey.

It would be a journey not unlike a religious pilgrimage.

The fourteen pieces of work that hang there took Rothko six years to produce.

They are, by all accounts, an awesome experience to view, and according to some the zenith of darkness and unpredictability.

Rothko never saw the culmination of his life's work completed.

His depression and suicide in 1970 ended a life that was intense and at times painful and traumatic.

The work he left behind is no less powerful.

They are, perhaps, some of the most resonant paintings ever committed to canvas by an artist.

篇10：名人英文演讲稿

尊敬的墨西哥国会常设委员会主席安纳亚先生，

各位议员，

女士们，先生们，朋友们：

Your Excellency Mr. Ricardo Anaya, President of the Permanent Commission of Congress,

Members of Congress,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

大家好!今天，有机会来到墨西哥参议院演讲，同各位议员交流，我感到十分荣幸。

Good morning. It gives me great pleasure to address the Mexican Senate and exchange views with members of the Mexican Congress today.

借此机会，我谨代表中国政府和人民，向在座各位议员朋友和长期致力于中墨友好的各界人士，向热情友好的墨西哥人民，致以诚挚问候和良好祝愿!

I wish to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Chinese government and people, warm greetings and best wishes to members of Congress and people from all sectors of the Mexican society who have long been committed to friendship with China and to the friendly and hospitable people of Mexico.

今年4月，培尼亚总统对中国进行正式访问并出席博鳌亚洲论坛年会，我们就新形势下加强中墨关系达成重要共识。当时，培尼亚总统热情邀请我访问墨西哥，我愉快地答应了。我的想法是，为了推动中墨关系加快发展，必须趁热打铁、乘势而上。

Last April, President Peńa Nieto paid an official visit to China and attended the Annual Conference of Boao Forum for Asia, on which occasion President Peńa and I reached important agreement on closer China-Mexico relations in new circumstances. At that time, President Peńa kindly invited me to visit Mexico, which I gladly accepted. I think it is important that we build on the positive momentum to boost the growth of China-Mexico relations.

，我曾访问过墨西哥。时隔4年，再次来到这个美丽多彩的国家，我感到十分高兴，也感到十分亲切。

I visited Mexico in . Today, four years later, it gives me great pleasure and a surge of warm feelings to be back in this beautiful and magnificent country.

中国有句话叫“宾至如归”，说的是客人到了一个地方，就像回到家里一样。来到墨西哥，我就有这样的感觉。

There is a saying in China, “home away from home”. It means that a guest in a new place feels very much at home. This is exactly how I feel now in Mexico.

中墨两国有着悠久的交往历史。这次前来墨西哥途中，当我透过飞机舷窗俯瞰浩瀚的太平洋时，仿佛看见几个世纪前那些满载丝绸、瓷器的“中国之船”正向着阿卡普尔科破浪前行;当我踏上贵国的土地时，又仿佛看见那位传说中的乐善好施的美丽“中国姑娘”正在普埃布拉传授纺织、刺绣技艺。

China and Mexico have a long history of interactions. On my way to Mexico, when I looked down at the vast Pacific Ocean through the window of the plane, I felt as if I saw the fleet of La Nao de China, giant ships fully loaded with silk and porcelain, braving the surging waves and moving towards Acapulco centuries ago. When I set foot on this land, I felt as if I saw the legendary Chinese Poblana, a kind-hearted and beautiful girl, teaching locals how to weave and embroider in Puebla.

我这次访问墨西哥，目的是深化友谊、扩大合作，同贵国领导人共同规划中墨关系的发展蓝图。

I am visiting Mexico this time to enhance friendship, expand cooperation and jointly map out the blueprint for China-Mexico relations together with Mexican leaders.

女士们、先生们、朋友们!

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

墨西哥是个具有悠久文明历史的国家。玛雅人的金字塔，阿兹特克人的太阳历，见证着贵国古代文明的辉煌。

Mexico is a country with a time-honored civilization. The Mayan pyramids and Aztec Sun Calendar both stand testimony to the splendor of your ancient civilization.

当代艺术大师里维拉的壁画，文学巨匠帕斯的著作，凝聚着墨西哥人民对现实世界和人类生活的深刻感受。

The fresco of Diego Rivera, the master of contemporary art, and the classic works of Octavio Paz, the towering figure in literature, both speak to the profound insight of the Mexican people about the real world and human life.

今天的墨西哥，经济快速发展，综合国力和国际影响力不断提升。从坎昆联合国气候变化大会，到洛斯卡沃斯二十国集团领导人峰会，世界的目光一次又一次聚焦在欣欣向荣的墨西哥。

Today’s Mexico enjoys rapid economic growth, greater national strength and international influence. From the UN Climate Change Conference in Cancun to the G20 Summit in Los Cabos, a dynamic Mexico has time and again captured the eyes of the world.

我们对墨西哥的发展成就表示祝贺，衷心祝愿墨西哥国家建设事业取得更大成就!

We congratulate Mexico on its achievements and wish Mexico even bigger progress in national development.

女士们、先生们、朋友们!

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

回顾历史，中墨两国人民都创造了灿烂的文化，都为人类文明进步作出了不可磨灭的贡献。

In the long course of history, both the Chinese and Mexican people have created a splendid culture and made indelible contribution to human progress.

拉美有句谚语：“朋友要老，好酒要陈。”中墨两国经过岁月积淀的深厚友谊，正如陈年的龙舌兰酒，历久弥香。

There is a proverb in Latin America, “Condition of good friends, condition of old wine.” The friendship between China and Mexico, which has grown from one generation to another, is like a bottle of aged Tequila, brimming with ever fresh fragrance with the passage of time.

近代以来，中墨两国在争取民族解放、捍卫国家主权、建设现代化国家的奋斗中相互声援、彼此支持。

In the more recent history, China and Mexico have supported each other in both words and actions in seeking national liberation, upholding state sovereignty and advancing modernization.

现在，我们两国都进入了经济社会发展的快车道，都呈现出美好的发展前景，中墨关系正面临前所未有的重要机遇。

Today, China and Mexico are both moving onto a fast-track of economic and social development and embracing a promising future. There is an unprecedented opportunity for our two countries to further advance bilateral relations.

这次来，我同培尼亚总统举行了很好的会谈。刚才，我又会见了安纳亚主席和阿罗约众议长。

During my visit, I have had a very good talk with President Peńa. And just now, I met with President Anaya of the Permanent Commission and President Arroyo of the Chamber of Deputies.

我们一致认为，发展中墨关系既要着眼双边合作，更要面向世界。为此，我和培尼亚总统决定，将两国关系提升为全面战略伙伴关系，使中墨关系能够在更高水平、更宽领域、更大舞台上不断发展，推动两国关系进入新的发展阶段。

We agree that in growing China-Mexico relations, we should not only focus on bilateral cooperation, but also adopt a global vision. Therefore, President Peńa and I have decided to elevate our bilateral relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, to the benefit of continued growth of China-Mexico relations at a higher level, in a broader scope and on a bigger platform, and usher our relations into a new stage of development.

篇11：名人英文演讲稿

Thank you so much.

Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward.

今夜，在当年的殖民地赢得了决定自己命运的权利200多年以后，让美利坚合众国更加完美的任务又向前推进了一步。

It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people.

这一进程是因为你们而向前推进的，因为你们再次确认了那种使美国胜利克服了战争和萧条的精神，那种使美国摆脱绝望的深渊并走向希望的最高点的精神，以及那种虽然我们每个人都在追求自己的个人梦想、但我们同属一个美国大家庭、并作为一个国家和民族共同进退的信仰。

Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America the best is yet to come.

今夜，在此次选举中，你们这些美国人民提醒我们，虽然我们的道路一直艰难，虽然我们的旅程一直漫长，但我们已经让自己振作起来，我们已经发起反击，我们在自己内心深处知道，对美利坚合众国来说，最美好一切属于未来。

I want to thank every American who participated in this election, whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time. By the way, we have to fix that. Whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone, whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference.

我想感谢所有参加此次选举的美国人，无论你是首次参加选举还是为投票曾长时间排队等候。顺便说一句，我们需要解决这些问题。无论你是到投票站投票还是发传真投票，无论你选的是奥巴马还是罗姆尼，你都让别人听到了自己的声音，你都让美国因你而不同。

I just spoke with Gov. Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. We may have battled fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service and that is the legacy that we honor and applaud tonight. In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Gov. Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.

我要对罗姆尼州长说几句话，我对他和保罗•莱恩在这次竞争激烈的选举中的表现表示祝贺。我们可能争夺得很激烈，但这仅仅是因为我们深爱着这个国家以及我们如此强烈地关心着它的未来。从乔治到勒诺到他们的儿子米特，罗姆尼家族选择了通过公共服务来回报美国，那是一种我们今夜表示敬重和赞许的遗产。我期待着今后几周能与罗姆尼州长坐下来讨论一下我们可以从何处着手一起努力将美国推向前进。

I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America’s happy warrior, the best vice president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden.

我想对我在过去四年中的朋友和伙伴表示感谢。他就是美国的快乐战士、无出其右的最佳副总统乔•拜登。

And I wouldn’t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. Let me say this publicly: Michelle, I have never loved you more. I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you, too, as our nation’s first lady. Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes you’re growing up to become two strong, smart beautiful young women, just like your mom. And I’m so proud of you guys. But I will say that for now one dog’s probably enough.

如果不是那位前同意嫁给我的女性，我不会成为今天的我。请让我公开说出下面这段话：米切尔，我对你的爱无以复加，我无比骄傲地看到其他美国人也爱上了你这位我们国家的第一夫人。萨沙和玛利亚，在我们所有人的见证下你们正成长为两个坚强、聪明和美丽的年轻女性，就像你们的妈妈一样。我十分以你们为荣。不过我要说的是，眼下家里养一条狗或许已经够了。

To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics. The best. The best ever. Some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning. But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill, through every valley. You lifted me up the whole way and I will always be grateful for everything that you’ve done and all the incredible work that you put in.

在这个有史以来的最佳竞选团队和有史以来的最佳志愿者队伍中，你们有些人是这次新加入进来的，有些人则是一开始就在我身边。但你们所有人都属于一个大家庭。无论你的工作是什么，无论你从哪里来，你们都将获得我们共同创造的历史记忆，你们都将被一位充满感激之情的总统终生感激。感谢你们始终充满信心，无论是在高峰还是在低谷。你们鼓舞着我走完整个选举过程，我对你们所做的每件事、你们所做的每项不可思议的工作将一直充满感激。

I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics that tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym, or saw folks working late in a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you’ll discover something else.

我知道政治角力有时会显得小家子气甚至愚蠢。它为愤世嫉俗者提供了足够的口实，他们告诉我们政治不过是自负者之间的竞争，是特殊利益集团的地盘。但如果你曾经有机会与参加我们集会的那些人以及高中体育馆内挤在隔离绳外的那些人攀谈，或者看到那些在远离家乡的偏远小县的竞选办公室内加班工作的人，你会发现一些别的东西。

You’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. You’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. You’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home.

你将从一位年轻的活动现场组织者的声音里听到他的决心，他边在大学里学习边从事助选工作，他希望确保每个孩子都能拥有同样的机会。你将从一位志愿者的声音里听到她的骄傲，她挨门动员选民是因为她哥哥终因当地一家汽车制造厂增加了一个班次而有了工作。你将从一对军人夫妇的声音里听到深深的爱国情怀。他们深夜时还在接听选举电话，以确保那些曾经为这个国家作战的人不会返回家园时还要为得到一份工作或栖身之所而苦苦争斗。

That’s why we do this. That’s what politics can be. That’s why elections matter. It’s not small, it’s big. It’s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy.

正因为如此，我们要进行选举。这是政治所能够实现的。正因为如此，选举很重要。这不是小事，而是大事，是至关重要的事。在一个有三亿人口的国家实行民主制度可能嘈杂不堪、一团混乱、情况复杂。我们有自己的观点。我们每个人都有自己深信的信仰。当我们经历艰难时期，当我们作为一个国家做出重大决定时，这必然会激发热情，也必然会引发争议。

That won’t change after tonight, and it shouldn’t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty. We can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.

今晚过后，这都不会改变，也不应该改变。我们进行的这些争论恰恰体现了我们的自由。我们永远不应忘记，就在我们讲话之际，遥远国度的人们现在正冒着生命危险，仅仅是为了获得一个能够对重要问题进行争论、像我们今天这样投票的机会。

But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America’s future. We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers. A country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow.

不过，尽管我们存在这样那样的分歧，我们大多数人都对美国的未来有着某些共同的希望。我们希望我们的孩子成长的国家能够让他们上最好的学校、接受最好老师的教导。一个无愧于全球技术、探索和创新领袖光辉历史的国家，倘能如此，各种好工作和新企业将随之而来。

We want our children to live in an America that isn’t burdened by debt, that isn’t weakened by inequality, that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. We want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known. But also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war, to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.

我们希望我们的孩子能够生活在一个没有债务之累、没有不公之苦、没有全球变暖带来的破坏之虞的美国。我们希望留给后代一个安全、受到全球尊重和赞赏的国家，一个由全球有史以来最强大的军事力量和最好的部队保卫的国家，一个满怀信心走过战争、在人人享有自由和尊严的承诺之上构建和平的国家。

We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America, open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag. To the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner. To the furniture worker’s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president – that’s the future we hope for. That’s the vision we share. That’s where we need to go – forward. That’s where we need to go.

我们坚信一个慷慨的美国、一个富有同情心的美国、一个宽容的美国。美国向一位移民的女儿的梦想打开了大门，让她有机会在我们的学校学习、对着我们的国旗宣誓;美国向芝加哥南部地区的一个小男孩打开了大门，让有机会他看到一个最近街角以外的远大人生;美国向北卡罗来纳州的一位家具工人的孩子打开了大门，让他有机会实现自己当医生或科学家、工程师或企业家、外交官甚至是总统的梦想，这是我们希望的未来。这是我们共同的愿景。这是我们奔赴的方向，向前的方向。这是我们需要实现的目标。

篇12：名人英文演讲稿

President of People’s Republic of China

女生们，先生们，同志们，朋友们：

Ladies and gentlemen, comrades and friends,

的新年钟声即将敲响。在这辞旧迎新的美好时刻，我很高兴通过中国国际广播电台、中央人民广播电台和中央电视台，向全国各族人民，向香港特别行政区同胞和澳门特别行政区同胞，向台湾同胞和海外侨胞，向世界各国的朋友们，致以新年的祝福!

The bell for the year is about to ring. At this beautiful moment of bidding farewell to the old and ushering in the new, via China Radio International, China National Radio and China Central Television, I am delighted to extend the New Year greetings to Chinese of all ethnic groups, to compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions and in Taiwan, to overseas Chinese and to friends all over the world!

是中国“十二五”时期开局之年。面对复杂多变的国际形势和艰巨繁重的国内改革发展稳定任务，中国人民同心协力、锐意进取，继续推进改革开放和社 会主义现代化建设，经济保持平稳较快发展，全面建设小康社会取得新进展。中国加强同各国的交流合作，积极参与促进世界经济增长和金融稳定、完善全球经济治理、解决国际和地区热点问题等国际合作，为促进人类和平与发展作出了新的贡献。

saw the start of the 12th five-year plan for China’s national development. Facing complex international situation and arduous tasks in continuing domestic reforms, development and stability, Chinese people have united in their undertakings. We have continued to promote reform and opening-up as well as the socialist modernization drive. We have maintained a stable and relatively fast economic growth. New progress has also been made in building a well-off society in an all-round way. China has strengthened friendly exchanges and pragmatic cooperation with the rest of the world, and actively participated in the efforts made by the international community in promoting world economic growth and financial stability, improving economic management and resolving international and regional hot issues. Therefore it has made further contributions to world peace and development.

在新的一年里，我们将高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜，以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，深入贯彻落实科学发展观，继续处理好保持经济平稳较快发展、调整经济结构、管理通胀预期的关系，加快推进经济发展方式转变和经济结构调整，着力保障和改善民生，努力巩固经济社会发展良好势头。我们将坚持“一国两制”、“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”、高度自治的方针，同广大香港同胞、澳门同胞携手努力，保持香港、澳门长期繁荣稳定。我们将坚持“和平统一、一国两制”的方针，继续推动两岸关系和平发展，维护中华民族根本利益，增进两岸同胞共同利益。

In the new year, we will unswervingly adhere to the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics, follow the guidelines of Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents, and further carry out the Scientific Outlook on Development. We will continue to properly deal with the relationship among maintaining a stable and relatively fast economic growth, adjusting economic structure and managing inflation expectations. We will accelerate the change of economic development mode and structural adjustment, focus on ensuring and improving people’s livelihood and work hard to consolidate the healthy momentum of economic and social development. We will uphold the principles of “one country, two systems”, “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” and “Macao people governing Macao” with a high degree of autonomy. We will work together with our compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao to maintain long-term prosperity and stability in the two Special Administrative Regions. We will adhere to the principles of “peaceful reunification and one country, two systems,” continue to promote the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, maintain the essential interests of the Chinese nation and enhance the common interests of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits.

和平、发展、合作是时代的呼唤，是各国人民共同利益之所在。当前，世界多极化、经济全球化深入发展，各国相互依存日益加深，但世界经济复苏的不稳定性不确 定性上升，国际和地区热点此起彼伏，世界和平与发展面临新的机遇和挑战。中国将继续恪守维护世界和平、促进共同发展的外交政策宗旨，坚持独立自主的和平外 交政策，始终不渝走和平发展道路，始终不渝奉行互利共赢的开放战略，在和平共处五项原则的基础上发展同各国的友好交往和互利合作，积极参与应对全球性问题 的国际合作。

Peace, development and cooperation are the calls of the time and serve the common interests of people of all countries. At present, the world is moving further towards political multi-polarity and economic globalization while countries are depending more and more on each other. However, the recovery of the world economy is facing growing instability and uncertainty. International and regional hot issues have cropped up one after another. World peace and development are facing new opportunities and challenges. China will continue to follow its diplomatic mission of maintaining world peace and promoting common development, adhere to its independent foreign policy, take the road of peaceful development and implement a strategy of opening up for mutual benefit and win-win situations. It will develop friendly exchanges and mutually beneficial cooperation with all countries, on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and actively participate in efforts of the international community in dealing with global issues.

我相信，只要各国人民戮力同心、同舟共济，我们一定能够战胜前进道路上的各种困难和风险，在推动建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界的征程上不断迈出新的步伐。

I believe, as long as people of all countries work together, we will surely overcome all kinds of difficulties and risks and continually make new achievements in building a world with lasting peace, common prosperity and harmony.

最后，我从北京祝大家在新的一年里幸福安康!

Finally, from here in Beijing, I wish you all happiness, peace and good health in the New Year!

篇13：名人英文演讲稿3分钟

Dear teacher, dear classmates:

Good morning everyone! Today the title of my speech is ”wisdom to open the door of wisdom to open the road to success with diligence“.

Students, you can still remember the first time into the school scenarios? Remember the first open textbooks, joy and novelty in writing the first word? That's one small step into the gate, but it is a big step in life.

Life on this voyage, we sail with wisdom, hard for the pulp and began to sail to the very vast knowledge of the ocean!

Our school is a treasure house of knowledge, a cultural corridor, is Yuefu teachers and students, it is the cradle of talent.

Students, in this treasure house, the corridor and the Yuefu, bathing in the morning, have you ever thought of, today the stem what? Inspired by the setting sun.

Have you ever asked, today there are many harvest?

Dickens said, ”I have harvested, I planted the seeds.

“ Everyone has a chance to become a talented person, it is to see you go not to fight for this opportunity.

The key to the most commonly used light, can come from diligent study, history not millions of people with their own actions to prove this statement credible?? Su Qin to urge their own diligent study ”the first cantilever cone Cigu“ story, leaving the eternal fame.

Kuangheng to learn, ”cutting the wall to steal light“; Chen Yin to learn, ”firefly Yingxue capsule“; Yang Shi to learn, ”Li Xue“ and so on.

They not by diligence and wisdom beyond their own success.

To change the fate of knowledge, knowledge of life.

Do you also want to be like them, to work hard to acquire knowledge, improve your ability to change your life?

As Mr.

Guo Moruo said, ”diligence and wisdom are the keys to success“.

Today we should remember his words, flying their own youth, with industrious sweat paved road to success in the future.

Maybe we have lost at the starting line, but never let ourselves lose at the end.

Hard work can make up for congenital deficiency, cherish each moment, efforts to acquire knowledge.

For the brothers and sisters in ninth grade, recruit exam is not very distant, facing life's first choice, you should redouble our efforts, study hard, make adequate preparations to meet recruit exam; for our eighth graders and eighth grade is a turning point in the junior high school learning, we should grasp well, study hard, and constantly improve themselves; and seventh grade we don't relax.

Now our efforts is in learning for the future and lay a solid foundation, and only the foundations of the lay a solid foundation, the house will be built higher.

Students, regardless of we are in what stage of learning, we should to seize the fleeting time, take advantage of, the knowledge the gleaming gem tightly in her hand.

Each success to hard work and effort to succeed, they must pay the price.

As Bingxin said: ”the success of the flowers, people only envy it present Mingyan, but I do not know it had Yaren, had soaked fighting leiquan, Sabian a sacrifice Xueyu!“ indeed, not by some cold biting, which the fragrance of plum flowers? We are in a golden age of learning, youth, let time wasted? Life can have a few back hard? Life can have several youth? Over the past can not be changed, the so-called black do not know diligence early, Whitehead study to regret later, is the truth.

Only hard knowledge, enterprising, the strongest we can play the song of youth!

Students, as long as we establish lofty ideals, down-to-earth study hard, unremitting exploration, we will be able to toil and sweat to forge the beautiful life! Let us study hard, I start from, start from today, let diligent sweat pouring opening flower of knowledge! Let the light of wisdom illuminate our hearts! We struggle to write a youth without regret!

三分钟名人英语演讲【3】

”Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts.

“Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.

”America has spoken, and I’m humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens.

“With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans.

And I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president.

”There are many people to thank and my family comes first.

“Laura is the love of my life.

I’m glad you love her too.

”I want to thank our daughters who joined their dad for his last campaign.

I appreciate the hard work of my sister and brothers.

“I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support.

I’m grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team.

”The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor and I’m proud to serve beside him.

“I want to thank my superb campaign team.

I want to thank you all for your hard work.

I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.

”I want to thank the thousands of our supporters acroour country.

I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines.

I want thank you for your prayers on the rope lines.

I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines.

“I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors and to get out the vote.

”And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today.

“There is an old saying, ’Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers; pray for powers equal to your tasks.

”In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage.

“Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war.

”Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America.

Our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind.

I’m proud to lead such an amazing country, and I’m proud to lead it forward.

“Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope.

”We will continue our economic progress.

We’ll reform our outdated tax code.

We’ll strengthen the Social Security for the next generation.

We’ll make public schools all they can be.

And we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.

“We’ll help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan .

so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom.

”And then our service men and women will come home with the honor they have earned.

“With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace.

”Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans.

So today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent.

“To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it.

I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.

”A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation.

We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us.

“And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatneof America.

”Let me close with a word for the people of the state of Texas.

“We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey.

”On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country: sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day.

“I will always be grateful to the good people of my state.

And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.

”The campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith.

I see a great day coming for our country and I am eager for the work ahead.

“God bleyou and may God bleAmerica.

篇14：名人励志英文演讲稿

Youth will press

Saying goodbye to childhood,we step into another important time in the pace of young,facing new situations,dealing with different problems……

everyone has his ownunderstanding of young,it is a period of time of beauty and wonders,only after you have experienced the sour ,sweet ,bitter and salty can you really become a person of significance.

thre time of young is limitted,it may pass by without your attention,and when you discover what has happened ,it is always too late.grasping the young well means a better time is waiting for you in the near future,or the situation may be opposite .

having a view on these great men in the history of hunmanbeing,they all made full use of their youth time ,to do things that are useful to society,to the whole mankind,and as a cosquence ,they are remembered by later generations,admired by everyone.so do something in the time of young,although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole word,just for youeself,for those around!

the young is just like blooming flowers,they are so beautiful when blooming,they make people feel happy,but with time passing by,after they withers ,moet people think they are ugly.

and so it is the same with young,we are enthusiastic when we are young,then we may lose our passion when getting older and older.

so we must treasure it ,don't let the limitted time pass by ,leaving nothing of significance.

译文：

青春终将散场

告别童年，我们步入了青春的步伐的另一个重要时刻，面临新的形势，处理不同的问题......

每个人对年轻，都有他自己的理解，这是一段美丽和奇迹，只有在你经历了酸甜苦辣，你真的能成为一个人的意义。

青春的时光是有限的，稍不注意转瞬即逝，当你发现已不再年轻时，为时已晚矣。所以我们要把握年轻，一个更加美好的时光在不久的将来等着你，否则你将失去这些。

过去的那些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春时光，做一些对社会是有益的，对整个人类，作为一个时代的创造者，他们被后人的每个人所铭记。所以年轻的时候要做好自己，即使你可能做不到这些伟人的成就，但至少可以为为自己，为周围的人做点什么!

年轻就像盛开的花朵，他们是如此美丽盛开的时候，他们让人们感到满意，但随着时间的推移，岁月会让你变老.

年轻人，在我们热情年轻时候，保持你的激情，不要在激情中变老。

所以我们一定要珍惜它，不要让有限的青春白白逝去，没有留下任何的意义。

篇15：名人励志英文演讲稿

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to ”undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.“¹

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, ”rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

译文：

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束，也象征着开始;意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的`力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。

对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。

对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。

至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。

最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。

我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。

可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。

因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。

让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。

让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”

如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。

同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。

现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，“在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。

我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?

在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。

所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。

篇16：名人英文情书

朱丽叶・德鲁埃致维克多・雨果

Juliette Drouet to Victor Hugo

Oh! Think of me, my sweet beloved, so that I may feel it and so that your joy amid your delightful family, your kind friends and admirers may not be changed into bitterness and grief for me. Think of me. of whom you are the life and soul. Think of my love so profound, so pure, and so devoted, and wish I were with you. I am going to bed praying God for you and yours. I trust my prayers will not be fruitless, as I am asking for their happiness and yours, should it be at the cost of my own life. If you knew how I need to know that you are happy, my beloved, almost as much as to know I am loved by you! I love you, more than anything else in the world. Enjoy your success, this evening, my Victor, your beauty, your genius, and be happy with your delightful family. I will be proud and happy myself, provided amid all this you do not forget me. Above all I do not wish to importune or compromise you. I only want to love you to my last sight.

朱丽叶・德鲁埃致维克多・雨果

啊，您想我吧，我最爱的人，好让我感受到您的甜蜜，好让你与家人的欢乐、与朋友和爱慕您的人的欢乐不会变为对我嫉妒和令我伤心。您想我吧，因为您就是我的生命和灵魂。想想我对您的爱如此深沉、纯洁、专一吧，祝愿我能与您相聚在一起吧。我马上要就寝了，还在为您和您的亲人祈求上帝。我相信我的祈祷不会得不到回音，因为我不惜用生命换得您的亲人还有您自己的幸福。要是您知道我是如何祝福您，我的爱，那么您也会觉得您爱我的心一点也不亚于我想您知道我是多么爱您。我爱您，我对您的爱超过了人间世上的一切。今夜尽情地为您的成功而欢乐吧，我的维克多，尽情地赞美您的美丽，赞美您的天才吧，为能与欢乐的家人团聚而高兴吧!要是您在欢乐的时刻没有把我忘怀，我定当感到自豪和宰福。不管怎么样，最重要的是，我不想强求或委屈您，我只想受着您直到瞑目之时。

篇17：英文名人座右铭

1) Don't aim for success if you want it; just do what you love and believe in, and it will come naturally如果你想要成功，不要去追求成功;尽管做你自己热爱的事情并且相信它，成功自然到来。

2) Kill two birds with one stone一箭双雕。

3) Kings go mad, and the people suffer for it君王发狂，百姓遭殃。

4) Kings have long arms普天之下，莫非王土。

5) Knowledge is power知识就是力量。

6) Believe in yourself相信你自己!

7) you're uinique, nothing can replace you你举世无双，无人可以替代。

8) understand yourself in order to better understanding others知己方能解人。

9) keep trying no matter how hard it seemsit will get easier坚持不懈，难也变易。

10) never lie, cheat or stealalways smile a fair deal决不撒谎，欺骗，偷窃，公平交易。

11) Let the cat out of the bag泄漏天机。

12) Strike the iron while it is hot 趁热打铁。

13) It takes two to make a quarrel 一个巴掌拍不响。

14) When shepherds quarrel, the wolf has a winning game 鹬蚌相争，渔翁得利。

15) A man is only as good as what he loves一个人要用他所爱的东西有多好来衡量。

16) Speech is the image of actions 语言是行动的反映。

17) Better the devil you know than the devil you don't know 明枪易躲，暗箭难防。

18) Each man is the architect of his own fate 每个人都是自己命运的建筑师。

19) Birds of a feather flock together 物以类聚，人以群分。

20) Talents come from diligence, and knowledge is gained by accumulation 天才在于勤奋，知识在于积累。

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